Rarraba mulki
 Rarraba mulki | |
|---|---|
field of study (en)  , field of study (en) da political ideology (en) | |
| Bayanai | |
| Ƙaramin ɓangare na | gwadabiya |
| WordLift URL (en) | http://data.thenextweb.com/tnw/entity/decentralization |
| ACM Classification Code (2012) (en) | 10003508 |
| Hannun riga da | centralisation (en) |
Rarraba mulki shine tsari wanda ayyukan wata ƙungiya, musamman wadanda ke da alaƙa da tsarawa da yanke shawara, ana rarraba su ko kuma a ba da su daga tsakiya, wuri mai iko ko rukuni kuma a ba su ga ƙananan ƙungiyoyi a ciki.
An yi amfani da ra'ayoyin rarrabawar ƙungiyoyi da kimiyyar gudanarwa a cikin kamfanoni da ƙungiyoyi masu zaman kansu, kimiyyar siyasa, doka da gwamnati, fasaha, tattalin arziki da kudi.
Tarihi
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Kalmar "tsakiya" ta fara amfani da ita a Faransa a cikin shekara ta 1794 yayin da jagorancin Directory na Faransa bayan Juyin Juya Halin ya kirkiro sabon tsarin gwamnati. Kalmar nan "rarraba mulki" ta fara amfani da ita a cikin shekarun 1820. "Centralization" ya shiga rubuce-rubucen Turanci a farkon kashi na uku na 1800s; Magana game da rarraba a Turanci ma ya bayyana a wannan lokacin. A tsakiyar shekarun 1800 Tocqueville zai rubuta cewa juyin juya halin Faransa ya fara ne da "matsawa zuwa ga rarraba" amma ya zama, "a ƙarshe, fadada tsakiya".A cikin 1863, mai ritaya na Faransa Maurice Block ya rubuta wani labarin da ake kira "Decentralization" don mujallar Faransa wanda ya sake nazarin tasirin gwamnati da tsakiya na bureaucratic da kuma kokarin Faransa na baya-bayan nan na rarraba ayyukan gwamnati.
Ra'ayoyin 'yanci da rarrabawar sun ci gaba a cikin ƙarni na 19 da 20 ta masu gwagwarmayar siyasa masu adawa da gwamnati da ke kiran kansu "anarchists", "libertarians", har ma da masu rarraba. Tocqueville ya kasance mai ba da shawara, yana rubuta cewa: "Rashin rarraba yana da, ba kawai ƙimar gudanarwa ba har ma da yanayin jama'a tunda yana ƙara damar da 'yan ƙasa ke da shi don sha'awar al'amuran jama'a; yana sa su saba da amfani da' yanci. Kuma daga tara waɗannan 'yanci na gida, masu aiki, 'yanci masu tsauri, an haifi mafi inganci game da'awar gwamnatin tsakiya, koda kuwa an goyi bayan shi da nufin mutum ɗaya. " Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865), masanin ilimin anarchist mai tasiri ya rubuta: "Duk ra'ayoyin tattalin arziki na kamar yadda suka bunkasa a cikin shekaru ashirin da biyar za a iya taƙaita su cikin kalmomi: tarayyar noma da masana'antu. Duk ra'ayoyyata na siyasa sun cika zuwa irin wannan tsari: tarayyen siyasa ko rarraba mulki. "
Leopold Kohr, marubucin littafin 1957 The Breakdown of Nations - wanda aka sani da sanarwa "Duk wani abu ya yi kuskure, wani abu ya fi girma" - ya kasance babban tasiri ga E. F. Schumacher, marubucin littafi mafi kyawun 1973 Small Is Beautiful: A Study of Economics As If People Mattered . A cikin 'yan shekaru masu zuwa wasu littattafai masu sayarwa sun inganta rarrabawar.
Daniel Bell's The Coming of Post-Industrial Society ya tattauna bukatar rarraba da kuma "cikakken gyare-gyare na tsarin gwamnati don samun girman da ya dace da kuma ikon raka'a", da kuma buƙatar cire ayyuka daga iyakokin jihohi na yanzu, ƙirƙirar yankuna bisa ga ayyuka kamar ruwa, sufuri, ilimi da tattalin arziki wanda zai iya samun "banci 'overlays' a taswirar" Alvin Toffler ya buga Future Shock (1970) da The Third Wave (1980). Da yake tattauna littattafan a cikin wata hira da ta biyo baya, Toffler ya ce za a maye gurbin tsarin masana'antu, tsakiya, tsarin mulki na sama da ƙasa da wani salon budewa, dimokuradiyya, wanda ya kira "dimokuradiyya mai tsayayya". Littafin Futurist John Naisbitt na 1982 "Megatrends" ya kasance a cikin jerin masu sayarwa na New York Times sama da shekaru biyu kuma ya sayar da kofe miliyan 14. Littafin Naisbitt ya tsara "megatrends", na biyar daga cikinsu daga tsakiya zuwa rarraba. A cikin 1996 David Osborne da Ted Gaebler suna da littafin da ya fi sayar da shi Reinventing Government wanda ke ba da shawarar ka'idodin gudanar da gwamnati wanda ya zama ana kiransa "Sabon Gudanar da Jama'a".[1]
Stephen Cummings ya rubuta cewa rarrabawar ya zama "ma'aikatar juyin juya hali" a cikin shekarun 1980. A shekara ta 1983 Diana Conyers ta tambayi idan rarrabawar ita ce "mafi kyawun salon" a cikin ci gaban ci gaba. Shirin Jami'ar Cornell kan sake fasalin kananan hukumomi ya bayyana cewa rarrabawar tana nufin "al'adar duniya" na ba da alhakin ga gwamnatocin yanki ko na gida. Robert J. Bennett's Decentralization, Intergovernmental Relations and Markets: Towards a Post-Welfare Agenda ya bayyana yadda bayan yakin duniya na biyu gwamnatoci suka bi manufofin "welfarist" na tsakiya wanda yanzu ya zama manufofin "bayan jin daɗi" na rarraba tsakanin gwamnatoci da kasuwa.[2]
A shekara ta 1983, an gano "Decentralization" a matsayin daya daga cikin "Muhimman Daraja Goma" na Green Movement a Amurka.
Bayani na gaba ɗaya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Tsarin tsarin
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Wadanda ke nazarin manufofi da matakai na aiwatar da rarraba sau da yawa suna amfani da tsarin ka'idar tsarin, wanda bisa ga rahoton Shirin Ci Gaban Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ya shafi batun rarraba "dukan hangen nesa na tsarin, gami da matakan, sassan, sassa da ayyuka da ganin matakin al'umma a matsayin wurin shigarwa wanda cikakkun ma'anar manufofin ci gaba sun fito ne daga mutane da kansu kuma inda ya fi dacewa don tallafa musu. "
Koyaya, an gan shi a matsayin wani ɓangare na tsarin tsarin. Norman Johnson na Los Alamos National Laboratory ya rubuta a cikin takarda na 1999: "Tsarin rarraba shine inda ake yin wasu yanke shawara ta wakilai ba tare da sarrafawa ko sarrafawa ba. Wani muhimmin dukiyar tsarin wakilai shine matakin haɗi ko haɗi tsakanin wakilai, ma'auni na kwararar bayanai ko tasiri a duniya. Idan kowane wakili yana da alaƙa (yancin musayar ko tasiri) ga duk sauran wakilai, to tsarin yana da alaƙar sosai. "
Jami'ar California, Cibiyar Nazarin Software ta Irvine ta aikin "PACE" yana ƙirƙirar "style na gine-gine don gudanar da amincewa a cikin aikace-aikacen rarraba. "Ya karɓi ma'anar Rohit Khare game da rarraba: "Tsarin rarraba shine wanda ke buƙatar jam'iyyun da yawa su yanke shawara masu zaman kansu" kuma ya yi amfani da shi ga ƙirƙirar software na Peer-to-peer, rubuta:
Manufofin
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Sau da yawa ana gabatar da rarraba a matsayin martani ga matsalolin da ke tattare da tsarin tsakiya. Rarraba mulki a cikin gwamnati, batun da aka fi nazarin, an gan shi a matsayin mafita ga matsalolin kamar faduwar tattalin arziki, rashin iyawar gwamnati don tallafawa ayyuka da raguwar su gaba ɗaya a cikin aikin ayyukan da aka ɗora, bukatun 'yan tsiraru don samun faɗakarwa a cikin mulkin gida, raunin halattaccen bangaren jama'a da matsin lamba na duniya da na duniya a kan ƙasashe marasa inganci, marasa dimokuradiyya, tsarin tsakiya. Wadannan manufofi ko manufofi ana bayyana su akai-akai a cikin bincike daban-daban na rarraba.
- Kasancewa
A cikin rarraba, ana kiran ka'idar subsidiarity sau da yawa. Ya ce mafi ƙasƙanci ko mafi ƙarancin iko na tsakiya wanda ke iya magance batun yadda ya kamata ya kamata ya yi hakan. Dangane da ma'anar daya: "Rarraba mulki, ko rarraba mulki, yana nufin sake fasalin ko sake tsara iko don haka akwai tsarin hadin gwiwa tsakanin cibiyoyin gwamnati a tsakiya, yanki da kuma matakan gida bisa ga ka'idar subsidiarity, don haka kara ingancin gaba ɗaya da tasirin tsarin mulki yayin da yake kara iko da iyawar matakan ƙasa".
Rarraba mulki sau da yawa yana da alaƙa da ra'ayoyin shiga cikin yanke shawara, dimokuradiyya, daidaito da 'yanci daga iko mafi girma.[3] Rarraba mulki yana inganta muryar dimokuradiyya. Masu ra'ayi sun yi imanin cewa hukumomin wakilci na gida tare da ainihin ikon rarrabewa sune tushen rarrabawar da zai iya haifar da ingantaccen yanki, daidaito da ci gaba.Cibiyar Duniya ta Jami'ar Columbia ta gano daya daga cikin manyan abubuwa uku da suka shafi rarraba: "karin shiga cikin hukunce-hukuncen gida da jama'a a cikin gudanar da al'amuran su, tare da sababbin nau'o'in shiga, shawarwari, da haɗin gwiwa.[4] "
An bayyana rarraba mulki a matsayin "maɓallin da ya dace da duniya [wanda] ke cire yanke shawara daga matakin gida da na ƙasa zuwa matakin duniya na abubuwan da ke cikin ƙasa ko waɗanda ba na ƙasa ba. rarraba mulki yana kawo yanke shawara zuwa matakan da ke cikin ƙasashe". Shirye-shiryen rarraba dole ne suyi la'akari da alaƙar duniya, yanki, ƙasa, ƙasa, da ƙasa.
- Bambancin
Norman L. Johnson ya rubuta cewa bambancin yana taka muhimmiyar rawa a cikin tsarin rarraba kamar tsarin halittu, ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa, manyan kungiyoyi, Tsarin siyasa. "An bayyana bambancin a matsayin kaddarorin musamman na ƙungiyoyi, wakilai, ko mutane waɗanda ba a raba su da babbar ƙungiya, yawan jama'a, tsari. An bayyana rarraba a matsayin dukiyar tsarin inda wakilai ke da wasu ikon aiki "a cikin gida"."Dukkanin rarraba da bambancin halaye ne masu mahimmanci don cimma abubuwan da ke da sha'awa. "
Masu ba da shawara game da rarraba siyasa suna riƙe da cewa mafi girman shiga ta hanyar ingantaccen bayanai daban-daban a cikin al'umma zai haifar da yanke shawara mafi dacewa fiye da waɗanda hukumomi kawai suka yi a matakin ƙasa. An bayyana rarraba mulki a matsayin martani ga buƙatun bambancin.
- Inganci
A cikin kasuwanci, rarrabawar tana haifar da gudanarwa ta hanyar falsafar sakamako wanda ke mai da hankali kan manufofi da za a cimma ta hanyar sakamako na raka'a. An ce rarraba shirye-shiryen gwamnati don kara inganci - da tasiri - saboda rage tarwatsawa a cikin sadarwa, amsawa da sauri ga matsalolin da ba a tsammani ba, inganta ikon isar da ayyuka, ingantaccen bayani game da yanayin gida, da ƙarin tallafi daga masu cin gajiyar shirye-shirye.
Kamfanoni na iya fi son rarraba mulki saboda yana tabbatar da inganci ta hanyar tabbatar da cewa manajoji mafi kusa da bayanan gida suna yanke shawara kuma a cikin mafi kyawun lokaci; cewa ɗaukar alhakin su yana 'yantar da manyan gudanarwa don dabarun dogon lokaci maimakon yanke shawara na yau da kullun; cewa manajojin suna da hannu a kan horo don shirya su don matsawa zuwa matsayi na gudanarwa; cewa manajan suna motsawa ta hanyar samun 'yancin yin amfani da nasu shirin da kerawa; cewa ana ƙarfafa su tabbatar da cewa suna da riba, maimakon ba da cinikin kamfanin gaba ɗaya.
Ana iya amfani da ka'idoji iri ɗaya ga gwamnati. Rarrabawar ta yi alkawarin inganta inganci ta hanyar gasa tsakanin gwamnatoci tare da fasalulluka na kasuwa da horo na kasafin kudi wanda ke ba da haraji da ikon kashewa ga mafi ƙasƙanci na gwamnati. Yana aiki mafi kyau inda membobin gwamnatin ƙasa ke da al'adun dimokuradiyya, lissafi, da ƙwarewa.
- Magani game da rikici
Tattalin arziki da / ko rarraba siyasa na iya taimakawa hana ko rage rikici saboda suna rage ainihin ko fahimta rashin daidaito tsakanin yankuna daban-daban ko tsakanin yanki da gwamnatin tsakiya. Dawn Brancati ta gano cewa rarraba siyasa yana rage rikice-rikicen cikin jihohi sai dai idan 'yan siyasa sun kirkiro jam'iyyun siyasa waɗanda ke tattara' yan tsiraru har ma da kungiyoyin masu tsattsauran ra'ayi don neman karin albarkatu da iko a cikin gwamnatocin ƙasa. Koyaya, yiwuwar wannan za a yi ya dogara da abubuwan da suka shafi yadda sauye-sauyen dimokuradiyya ke faruwa da kuma siffofi kamar yawan kujerun majalisa na yanki, yawan majalisun yanki na ƙasa, hanyoyin masu jefa kuri'a, da kuma tsarin da zabubbukan ƙasa da na yanki ke faruwa. Brancati ya yi ikirarin cewa rarrabawar na iya inganta zaman lafiya idan ya karfafa jam'iyyun jihohi don haɗa bukatun yanki da kuma iyakance ikon jam'iyyu na yanki.
Hanyoyi
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Hanyoyin da ƙungiyoyi ke motsawa daga mafi zuwa ƙasa mai tsakiya sun bambanta. Ana iya fara su daga cibiyoyin iko ("sama-kasa") ko daga mutane, yankuna ko yankuna ("kasa-sama"), ko kuma daga haɗin "da ake so" na hukumomi da yankuna da ke aiki tare. Rarrabawar ƙasa da ƙasa yawanci yana jaddada dabi'un siyasa kamar amsawa na gida da karuwar shiga kuma yana kara yawan kwanciyar hankali na siyasa. Rarrabawar sama-kasa na iya motsawa ta hanyar sha'awar "canja rashi zuwa ƙasa" kuma samun ƙarin albarkatu don biyan sabis ko biyan bashin gwamnati.[5] Wasu suna riƙe da cewa bai kamata a tilasta rarraba ba, amma a yi shi cikin girmamawa.
- Girman da ya dace
An yi nazarin kimanta girman da ya dace ko sikelin raka'a masu rarraba dangane da girman ƙananan raka'a na asibitoci [6] da makarantu, hanyoyin sadarwa, raka'a a cikin kasuwanci da kuma gudanar da jama'a, kuma musamman yankunan gwamnati na gari da birni da hukumomin yanke shawara.
A cikin ƙirƙirar al'ummomin da aka tsara ("sabon garuruwa"), yana da mahimmanci a ƙayyade yawan jama'a da girman ƙasa. Duk da yake a cikin shekarun da suka gabata an yi la'akari da ƙananan garuruwa da suka dace, a cikin shekarun 1960, an yi laʼakari da girman da ake buƙata don tallafawa kasuwar aiki daban-daban da isasshen cibiyar cin kasuwa da kuma jerin ayyuka da nishaɗi. Girman da ya dace na raka'a na gwamnati don tara kudaden shiga ma la'akari ne.
Ko da a cikin Bioregionalism, wanda ke neman sake tsara ayyuka da yawa har ma da iyakokin gwamnatoci bisa ga siffofin jiki da muhalli, gami da iyakokin ruwa da halaye na ƙasa da ƙasa, dole ne a yi la'akari da girman da ya dace. Rukunin na iya zama babba fiye da yawancin masu tsakiya-bioregionalists da suka fi so.
- Rashin hankali ko shiru
Rarraba mulki yana faruwa ne a matsayin tsari mai hankali, mai ma'ana, da tsari, amma sau da yawa yana faruwa a lokutan rikicin tattalin arziki da siyasa, faduwar mulkin da kuma gwagwarmayar iko. Ko da lokacin da ya faru a hankali, akwai buƙatar gwaji, gwaji, daidaitawa, da sake maimaita gwaje-gwaje masu nasara a wasu mahallin. Babu wani tsari don rarraba mulki tunda ya dogara da yanayin farko na ƙasa da iko da ra'ayoyin bukatun siyasa da kuma ko suna goyon baya ko adawa da rarraba mulki.
Rarraba mulki yawanci tsari ne mai hankali wanda ya dogara da manufofi masu bayyane. Koyaya, yana iya faruwa a matsayin "rarrabawar shiru" ba tare da gyare-gyare ba yayin da canje-canje a cikin hanyoyin sadarwa, manufofi ke jaddadawa da wadatar albarkatu suna haifar da tsarin da ya fi rarraba.
- Rashin daidaituwa
Rarrabawar na iya zama ba daidai ba kuma "asymmetric" idan aka ba da yawan jama'ar kowace ƙasa, siyasa, kabilanci da sauran nau'ikan bambancin. A kasashe da yawa, ana iya rarraba nauyin siyasa, tattalin arziki da gudanarwa zuwa manyan birane, yayin da yankunan karkara ke karkashin kulawar gwamnatin tsakiya. Rarraba nauyin ga larduna na iya iyakancewa ne kawai ga waɗancan larduna ko jihohin da suke so ko suna da ikon ɗaukar alhakin. Wasu masu zaman kansu na iya zama mafi dacewa ga birni fiye da yankunan karkara; wasu nau'ikan masu zaman kansu zasu iya zama mafi dace da wasu jihohi da larduna amma ba wasu ba.
An lura cewa yayin da rarrabawar na iya kara "kwarewar samarwa" yana iya lalata "kwarewa mai kyau" ta hanyar sake rarraba dukiya da wuya. Rarraba mulki zai haifar da bambance-bambance mafi girma tsakanin yankuna masu arziki da matalauta, musamman a lokacin rikici lokacin da gwamnatin ƙasa ba za ta iya taimakawa yankunan da ke buƙatar shi ba.
Dubi kuma
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Manazarta
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- ↑ Kamensky, John M. (May–June 1996). "Role of the "Reinventing Government" Movement in Federal Management Reform". Public Administration Review. 56: 247–55. doi:10.2307/976448. JSTOR 976448.
- ↑ Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; no text was provided for refs named "Warner". - ↑ Subhabrata Dutta, Democratic decentralization and grassroot leadership in India Error in Webarchive template: Empty url., Mittal Publications, 2009, pp. 5–8, ISBN 978-8183242738
- ↑ Ribot, J (2003). "Democratic Decentralisation of Natural Resources: Institutional Choice and Discretionary Power Transfers in Sub-Saharan Africa". Public Administration and Development. 23: 53–65. doi:10.1002/pad.259. S2CID 55187335.
- ↑ Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; no text was provided for refs named "Lkhagvadorj". - ↑ Robert J. Taylor, Susan B. Taylor, The Aupha Manual of Health Services Management, Jones & Bartlett Learning, 1994, p. 33, ISBN 978-0834203631