Hegemony

""While considering class paradigms in neo-liberal Turkey, a great deal of attention should be paid to particularly two major classes: “Islamic proletariat” and “new middle class”. These two classes generate respectively arm strength and brain strength workforces of neo-liberal economy in which both are vitally important for the system. Gezi Park Resistance has pointed out the serious conflict between the highly different cultures and values of these two classes, which is remarkable. The current neo-liberal and conservative government of Turkey cannot establish hegemony over new middle class because the culture and values of the government are just compatible with the realities of Islamic proletariat and other Islamic-conservative components of the Turkish society in which Gezi Park Resistance is the hegemony crises of neo-liberal democracy. That is why the resistance is critical to understand and evaluate the class paradigms and crisis of neo-liberalism on the ground of cultural hegemony and the material conditions. On the other hand, neo-liberalism has certain significant advantages to maintain its existence in Turkish context."

Keywords: neo-liberalism; Islamic proletariat; new middle class; culture; hegemony; material conditions; authoritarianism; class consciousness; Turkey;"

"Se abordará el problema de la “colonialidad del poder” (Quijano, 2000) aplicada al ámbito de las migraciones internacionales, mediante puentes interpretativos que dan continuidad a lo colonial en lo contemporáneo. Analizaré este objeto central desde dos ámbitos: uno material, alrededor de la noción de Camino (encarnado en la ruta de la Bestia que atraviesa México), y otro simbólico, considerando las implicaciones del discurso hegemónico sobre la “gobernabilidad” de las migraciones irregulares/indocumentadas, alrededor del cual se construye un “régimen global de gestión/control migratorio” (Mezzadra, 2000). Quiero ahondar en esa idea buscando revelar este tipo de migración como construcción de una particular “cartografía del poder postcolonial”.

Partiendo del análisis contemporáneo de los procesos de migración que atraviesan México hacia Estados Unidos, reinterpreto los mismos planteando un “giro decolonial” que se interroga sobre la intencionalidad de las conceptualizaciones prevalentes en la construcción de significados que afectan a los mismos. Estas han girado alrededor de 3 conceptos con los que definir (“condiciones objetivas”), justificar (“derecho a migrar”), y abordar (“gobernabilidad migratoria”) la naturaleza de las migraciones (Mármora, 2002). Por esto los paradigmas de la post y la decolonialidad suponen un intento de reconstrucción, y superación, de estos discursos tendentes a la naturalización, desprovista de fundamentación ni crítica histórica, de la migración humana, que naturalizan nuevos modelos de control y gestión, esta vez bajo el argumento legitimador de la “gobernabilidad”, el paradigma de los Derechos Humanos (Domenech, 2013)"

"Se abordará el problema de la “colonialidad del poder” (planteada por Aníbal Quijano) aplicada al ámbito de las migraciones, mediante puentes interpretativos que dan continuidad a lo colonial en lo contemporáneo. Analizaré este objeto central desde dos ámbitos: uno material, alrededor de la noción de Camino, y otro simbólico, considerando las implicaciones del discurso sobre la “gobernabilidad” de las migraciones irregulares/indocumentadas, alrededor del cual se construye un “régimen global de control migratorio” (Mezzadra, 2000) desde los países, regiones y organismos multilaterales dominantes.

Aquellos ámbitos apuntan a revelar la inmigración irregular/indocumentada como construcción hegemónica de una particular “cartografía del poder postcolonial”. Por esto los paradigmas de la post y la decolonialidad suponen un intento de reconstrucción, y superación, de estos discursos desprovistos de fundamentación ni crítica histórica. Partiendo del análisis contemporáneo de los procesos de migración de personas de origen centroamericano y categoría migratoria indocumentada, que atraviesan México hacia Estados Unidos, reinterpreto los mismos planteando un “giro decolonial” que se interroga sobre la intencionalidad de las conceptualizaciones prevalentes en la construcción de significados alrededor. Estas han girado alrededor de 3 conceptos con los que definir (“condiciones objetivas”), justificar (“derecho a migrar”), y abordar (“gobernabilidad migratoria”) la naturaleza de las migraciones. Estas nociones emanan de aquella “cartografía de poder postcolonial” encarnada en organizaciones supranacionales, que caracterizaré como hegemónicas, siendo la más relevante a efectos de esta ponencia y la investigación que subyace, la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones.

Frente a este particular origen y posición de la “gobernabilidad” entendida como noción que se implanta de arriba abajo, propondremos la conveniencia de potenciar estrategias de gobernabilidad de abajo arriba, con un carácter profundamente continental, pensada para todos los países de Centroamérica que comparten con México las dinámicas perversas de la migración indocumentada. El Mapa Interactivo de la Movilidad Migratoria en México, herramienta desarrollada por el Programa de Asuntos Migratorios de la Universidad Iberoamericana de México, se presenta como una alternativa, una herramienta que se pone al servicio de las personas migrantes, para que (sin cuestionar tampoco, como lo hace la “gobernabilidad” institucional, las causas profundas del hecho migratorio), cada quien pueda “gobernarse” migratoriamente, con información adecuada, conveniente, útil, y socialmente construida."

As Chacoan hegemony expanded into the Middle San Juan region, the great house communities at Aztec North and Point Pueblo were local representations of a growing frontier. Point Pueblo and its surrounding community were established as early as the mid to late AD 900s and may represent one of the earliest and longest lived great houses along the San Juan River. Aztec North and its community along the terrace north of the Animas River was established during the late 1000s, but eventually was transformed by the monumental built environment of Aztec West and East. These two great house communities developed along different trajectories representing the dynamic cultural landscape characteristic of the Middle San Juan river valleys prior to the expansion of Chacoan colonies at Salmon and Aztec West. Point Pueblo and Aztec North were engaged in regional networks and power structures, which necessarily reacted to the evolving nature of political, religious, demographic, and economic boundaries. Through an examination of site layout, architecture, population, and ceramics, among other material items, this paper investigates how local Middle San Juan folks negotiated the shifting centers of power as Chacoan hegemony was established.

For the past six decades, the US has managed to create and sustain a hegemonic position in the global financial/monetary order. This is based on three central pillars: 1) institutional power (control over outcomes in the International Monetary Fund), 2) structural power (dollar/Wall-Street dominance, forming an ‘exorbitant privilege’) and 3) ideational power (Neoliberalism as the leading politico-economic ideology - especially since the 1970s). In concerto this has served the countries’ very own interest, whereas other nations have repeatedly been forced to shoulder most of the burdens of adjustment. However, the sovereign debt crisis of 2008ff. (as a critical juncture) not only laid bare the deficiencies of the US-centred order and the increasing vulnerability of the highly indebted and economically stuttering hegemon, but also opened a window of opportunity for its main rival: liquidity-rich and booming China. Accordingly, Beijing is now starting to contest the US by: 1) significantly increasing its influence within the International Monetary Fund, 2) extending the international role and convertibility of the Renminbi and establishing Shanghai as a new global financial center until 2020, and 3) following a Neo-Mercantilist/Listian approach which is signified by gradual financial liberalization and an accumulation of monetary reserves.

If the effects of hegemony in society are to be dismantled, education must be part of the equation, and, importantly, teacher-education needs to be congruent with the types of change required. This paper reports on the findings of a sample of pre-service teacher perceptions related to democracy and education, and employs a critical pedagogical framework to gage the working and potential diminishment of hegemony. The sample is located in a two-campus university in Ontario, Canada, and is part of an international, comparative study. Findings suggest that this sample of pre-service teachers, generally speaking, has difficulty employing an effective language and argumentation required to frame critical dialogs and deliberative democracy to unpack the relationship between power and knowledge. Developing critical language is an important first step if hegemonic structures are to be brought to light and dissolved, and, more significantly, if these future educators are to develop more robust exposure to, and experience with, political literacy, contentious and controversial issues, deliberative democracy, and critical engagement. The paper ends with some proposals to advance the research.

""Antonio Gramsci tarkastelee Marxin arvoteoriaa kiinteässä yhteydessä politiikkaan ja hegemonian kysymyksiin. Hänen luentansa ei rajoitu vain kapitalismin tai Marxin ajattelun tulkintaan, vaan suuntautuu vahvasti tulevaisuuden näköaloihin, tarjoten näin aineksia poliittista toimintaa varten. Arvoteoria ja siitä käytävä ideologinen kamppailu vaikuttaa yhteiskuntaluokkien välisiin voimasuhteisiin ja on merkittävä osa hegemonian ylläpitoa ja tavoittelua. Arvolain teoreettisesti esittämä kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan taloudellinen toiminta johtaa kapitalismin jatkuvaan uudistumiseen ja kriisiytymiseen,
joka ratkaistaan poliittisesti vallitsevien voimasuhteiden mukaan.""

Mestizo and indigenous authorities on 20th-century highland Ecuadorian haciendas exercised authority through culturally hybrid practices of ritual discipline. Rather than opposing force to persuasion, I argue that hacienda discipline used coercion as part of a strategy of persuasion. This argument is tied to a social-structural as well as cultural notion of hegemony: By regulating internal social relations, authorities linked their power to the notion of morality and “respect” held by subordinates, thereby also shaping the latter’s understanding of resistance. [ritual discipline, coercion, hegemony, resistance, haciendas, Ecuador, Andes]

"This dissertation explores the rhetorical significance of persecution claims produced by demonstrably powerful publics in contemporary American culture. This ideological criticism is driven by several related research questions. First, how do members of apparently powerful groups (men, whites, and Christians)
come to see themselves as somehow unjustly marginalized, persecuted, or powerless? Second, how are these discourses related to the public sphere and counterpublicity? I argue that, despite startling similarities, these texts studied here are best understood not as counterpublicity but as a strategy of containment available to hegemonic publics. Because these rhetorics of persecution often seek to forestall movements toward pluralism and restorative justice, the analysis forwarded in this dissertation offers important contributions to ongoing theoretical discussions in the fields of public sphere theory and critical cultural theory and practical advice for progressive political activism and critical pedagogy."

"Purpose – The purpose of this article is to analyse the organisation of the Bolivian “water war” in Cochabamba that saw a social movement resist international business and the privatisation of public goods. The implications for the study of resistance in management and organisation studies will be
evaluated.
Design/methodology/approach – Laclau’s discourse theory is used to analyse the organisation of resistance and the establishment of a new discourse of “the people”. A range of primary and secondary data are drawn upon.
Findings – The study shows how the resistance movement was successfully organised in Cochabamba, Bolivia. Through various “horizontal” and “vertical” methods of organising, the Coordinadora, the overarching resistance organisation, was able to unite formerly disparate discourses into a single demand. This establishment of a united front was a key element in the formation of the discourse of “the people”, which successfully challenged neo-liberal privatisation and management discourses put forward by the government, multinational companies and international finance institutions.
Research limitations/implications – The research was primarily focused on studying the discursive shift that occurred during the Bolivian “water war” in 1999 and 2000. The paper was not
able to discuss the aftermath of the successful resistance movement, and the various problems the new municipal water organisation ran into after it regained control of the water resources in Cochabamba.
Practical implications – The primary audience of practitioners are participants in social movements that are engaged in resistance struggles against multinational companies and
governments. Drawing on the experiences from the Bolivian “water war”, the paper offers a range of practical insights into how to effectively organise resistance movements. This paper might also be useful to policy makers and managers in the area of water management.
Originality/value – This is one of the first papers that analyses the Bolivian “water war” to consider its implications for the study of resistance within management and organisation studies."