Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Russia, China, Cold War International Relations, Politics and International relations, History of International Relations, and 24 morePolitical History, History, International Studies, International Relations, Sino-soviet split, Sino-Russian Relations, Sino-Soviet Relations, Sinology, China's international relations, International Relations of East Asia, Asian Security, China's Foreign Policy, International Relations Theory, Space Security, China's foreign policy, PRC Nuclear Weapon Policy, PRC, People's Republic of China, China studies, History of the USSR, Soviet Foreign policy, Thaw-era Soviet Union, Soviet Union and Modern Russia, Russia and the Soviet Union, Soviet Union, Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics, Soviet Union (History), and Soviet Historyedit
Research Interests:
Russland hat die Ukraine fest im Griff, die ΓΆkonomische AbhΓ€ngigkeit ist enorm. Der EU wΓ€re es jedoch leicht mΓΆglich, dem Land schnell zu helfen. Sie muss nur wollen.
Research Interests:
The chapter explains the initial reaction by Stalin to the invasion, in terms of a certain relaxation of religious and language restrictions and a call to arms going beyond Communist ideology and practice. Next, the social changes brought... more
The chapter explains the initial reaction by Stalin to the invasion, in terms of a certain relaxation of religious and language restrictions and a call to arms going beyond Communist ideology and practice. Next, the social changes brought to Central Asia by the war are examined, including the evacuation of some industries (and the resulting demographic and economic structural changes), the deportation of peoples from the Caucasus and the presence of German POWs. The chapter also discusses the post-war narrative of the conflict, its place in the concept of "Soviet Man", and its contribution to Central Asian and post-Soviet identities.
This paper employs a visual research method to examine how companies in Russia, both domestic and foreign, use packaging to construct their brand identity. We analyze the packaging of two product categories in particular, namely chocolate... more
This paper employs a visual research method to examine how companies in Russia, both domestic and foreign, use packaging to construct their brand identity. We analyze the packaging of two product categories in particular, namely chocolate and vodka, and show how packaging is exploited to generate certain types of myths, both about the brand itself and β crucially β about Russia and Russianness. The paperβs contribution lies in the fact that its extends the pioneering work on packaging by Kniazeva and Belk into historical, cultural and anthropological realms. Adopting a pluridisiplinary approach, we draw on concepts from both semiotics (Roland Barthesβs βmythologiesβ) and literary criticism (GΓ©rard Genetteβs notion of the βpalimpsestβ). As we show, a large number of brands in Russia build their identity around images associated in one way or another with the countryβs past. They do so primarily via packaging design. The visual codes used are predominantly those of Imperial Russia, although at times there are also allusions to much older iconographic systems. Each of the brands discussed participates in its own way in the construction of a myth, that of Great Russia. In the light of our findings, greater attention needs to be paid both to the role packaging plays in marketing, and to the socio-historical context in which marketing is itself conducted.
Research Interests:
Consumer Culture, Russia, Branding, Russian Politics, Russian Studies, and 37 morePackaging, Emerging Markets, Visual Communication, Brand Management, Marketing, Visual Culture, Visual Studies, Consumer Research, Research Methods, Consumer Behavior, Brand Image, Semiotics, Consumer Culture Theory, Consumption Studies, Consumption and Material Culture, Consumption Culture, Material Culture, Material Culture Studies, Chocolate, Cocoa and chocolate, Wine,vodka,beer, Semiotic Analysis, Social Semiotics, Cultural Semiotics, Visual Semiotics, BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), Russian Nationalism, Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics, Nation Branding, Brand Personality, Brand Positioning, Brand and identity design, Brand awareness and brand image, Brand, Strategic Brand Management, Food Packaging, and Packaging Designedit
Research Interests:
"Analyzing the questions of political leadership in the period between the year 1989 and 2009, it is essential to indicate the aims and stages of the series of changes and, expressed mainly by the level the political elitesβ development... more
"Analyzing the questions of political leadership in the period between the year 1989 and 2009, it is essential to indicate the aims and stages of the series of changes and, expressed mainly by the level the political elitesβ development and parliamentary elections. After 1989, a total collapse of the Soviet ideological monopoly has taken place, not only in Moldova, but also in other socialist countries, therefore shaping a new set of rules governing the political life and leadership. Changes of the system that have taken place in the Republic of Moldova should be treated as a result of the following factors: the formation of the independence movement and the National Front, and the global and logistics support of the international institutions to strengthen the statehood and the social affirmation in the country.
Since its independence, the Republic of Moldova, witnesses an ongoing struggle for shaping the state regime and the future model of political leadership. Years 1991-2009 have become a visible example of a leadership characterized as authoritarian and autocratic. Political elites were characterized as "disabled" in relation to the role of Russia in the region. This condition has still been observed , despite many reforms that have been introduced. The institution of political leadership in the Republic of Moldova in 1989-2009 was deprived of social authority, which in turn made the country's political system a non-consolidated one.
"
Since its independence, the Republic of Moldova, witnesses an ongoing struggle for shaping the state regime and the future model of political leadership. Years 1991-2009 have become a visible example of a leadership characterized as authoritarian and autocratic. Political elites were characterized as "disabled" in relation to the role of Russia in the region. This condition has still been observed , despite many reforms that have been introduced. The institution of political leadership in the Republic of Moldova in 1989-2009 was deprived of social authority, which in turn made the country's political system a non-consolidated one.
"
Research Interests:
Social Anthropology, Political Anthropology, Balkans, Kinship, Social Change, and 40 moreEthnography, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Compadrazgo, Ritual kinship and godparenthood, Kinship and Relatedness (Anthropology), Kinship (Anthropology), Anthropology of Kinship, Anthropology of political participation, Civil Society, Civil Society and the Public Sphere, NGOs funding and management, NGOs (Anthropology), Auto-ethnography, Ethnography (Research Methodology), Ethnographic Fieldwork (Anthropology), Ethnographic Methodology, Ethnographic fieldwork, Ethnographic Methods, Anthropological Theory and Method, Anthropological Method & Theory, Contemporary anthropological methods and theory, Post/Yugoslav space, Ex Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Studies, Post-yugoslav politics, Post-socialism and EU integration, Former Yugoslavia, Post-Communist Transition, Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics, Post-Soviet Regimes, Post-Socialist Societies, Post-Soviet Studies, Transition in Central and Eastern Europe, Montenegro, Balkans Region, South Slavic and Balkan politicla, diplomatic, social, and cultural history; nationalism and identity construction; breakup of the former Yugoslavia, Ethnography of Balkans, Europeanization of the Balkans, Balkan Studies, Anthropology of the State, and Anthropologyedit
Research Interests:
"_Unvarnishing Reality_ draws original insight to the literature, politics, history, and culture of the cold war by closely examining the themes and goals of American and Russian satirical fiction. As Derek Maus illustrates, the paranoia... more
"_Unvarnishing Reality_ draws original insight to the literature, politics, history, and culture of the cold war by closely examining the themes and goals of American and Russian satirical fiction. As Derek Maus illustrates, the paranoia of nuclear standoff provided a subversive storytelling mode for authors from both nations--including Thomas Pynchon, Robert Coover, John Barth, Walker Percy, Don DeLillo, Kurt Vonnegut Jr., Vasily Aksyonov, Yuz Aleshkovsky, Alexander Zinoviev, Vladimir Voinovich, Fazil Iskander, and Sasha Sokolov."
REVIEWS:
"The breadth of Maus's critical reading is impressive and sets his text apart from other treatments of Cold War literature that include Soviet and/or Russian material.[...] Highly recommended."
-- Brian Diemert, _Choice_ (Dec. 2011)
"Maus's study constantly engages in suggestive juxtapositions between American and Russian works that shed fresh light on their narrative practices."
-- David Seed, _Utopian Studies_ 23.2 (2012)
"Maus has read voluminously in his subject, both in the literature and in critical studies [...]. He is to be applauded for his fresh readings of dystopian classics as well as for bringing lesser-known writers into the story.[...] If a reader is looking for a quick survey of Russian and American Cold War fiction, this is it."
-- Denise Youngblood, _Slavic Review_ 71.3 (Fall 2012)
"Mausβs analysis of the individual texts will give the reader new ways of thinking about them. Historians who work on the cultural history of the era will no doubt want to consider the insights he offers into the language and philosophy of satirical ο¬ction."
-- Mara Drogan, _Cold War History_ 13.2 (2013)
"On the US side, the closest analogy to the totalitarian system is the totalizing drive of certain languagesβanticommunist, mediatic-consumerist, bureaucratic, technologically utopianβchiefly in the American 1950s and then again in the 1980s [...] To be sure, none of these coalesce into the langue de bois (the βwooden tongueβ) that all but takes over public discourse in the East, nor do they enjoy the logistical and institutional backing afforded by the Kremlin apparatus, Pynchonian paranoia notwithstanding. And yet, Maus is right: the satire of mainstream, institutional, or 'official' idioms is one kind of literature that formally and thematically can be said to bring togetherβand thus render comparableβwriters from saliently different systems."
-- Christian Moraru, _American Literature_ 85.2 (June 2013)
"
REVIEWS:
"The breadth of Maus's critical reading is impressive and sets his text apart from other treatments of Cold War literature that include Soviet and/or Russian material.[...] Highly recommended."
-- Brian Diemert, _Choice_ (Dec. 2011)
"Maus's study constantly engages in suggestive juxtapositions between American and Russian works that shed fresh light on their narrative practices."
-- David Seed, _Utopian Studies_ 23.2 (2012)
"Maus has read voluminously in his subject, both in the literature and in critical studies [...]. He is to be applauded for his fresh readings of dystopian classics as well as for bringing lesser-known writers into the story.[...] If a reader is looking for a quick survey of Russian and American Cold War fiction, this is it."
-- Denise Youngblood, _Slavic Review_ 71.3 (Fall 2012)
"Mausβs analysis of the individual texts will give the reader new ways of thinking about them. Historians who work on the cultural history of the era will no doubt want to consider the insights he offers into the language and philosophy of satirical ο¬ction."
-- Mara Drogan, _Cold War History_ 13.2 (2013)
"On the US side, the closest analogy to the totalitarian system is the totalizing drive of certain languagesβanticommunist, mediatic-consumerist, bureaucratic, technologically utopianβchiefly in the American 1950s and then again in the 1980s [...] To be sure, none of these coalesce into the langue de bois (the βwooden tongueβ) that all but takes over public discourse in the East, nor do they enjoy the logistical and institutional backing afforded by the Kremlin apparatus, Pynchonian paranoia notwithstanding. And yet, Maus is right: the satire of mainstream, institutional, or 'official' idioms is one kind of literature that formally and thematically can be said to bring togetherβand thus render comparableβwriters from saliently different systems."
-- Christian Moraru, _American Literature_ 85.2 (June 2013)
"
"This thesis examines the introduction of compulsory medical insurance in the Russian Federation in the 1990s as part of the re-structuring of welfare in the years after communism. The reforms brought in strong decentralisation of... more
"This thesis examines the introduction of compulsory medical insurance in the Russian Federation in the 1990s as part of the re-structuring of welfare in the years after communism. The reforms brought in strong decentralisation of governance in comparison to Soviet rule. Minimal national legislation and guidance, subsequent adjustments in the face of implementation problems and a pattern of βnegotiated federalismβ have led to wide variation in regional systems within Russia. This thesis looks in particular at implementation in two federal units (from 89): Volgograd Oblastβ and St. Petersburg City.
In the first part, it considers the decision to introduce insurance in the context of the international health care debate, and examines the relationship between health care reform and broader issues of the βtransitionβ away from communism to the market. Particular attention is drawn to how these two discourses in practice have run contrary to each other. It also documents experimental internal market health reform in the Gorbachev era in Leningrad (St. Petersburg), as well as the genesis, formulation and implementation of health insurance at the national level.
The main body of the thesis considers the development of compulsory health insurance in the two research sites, drawing primarily on interview data from 34 interviews with representatives of the main actors within the new system βthe municipal administration, parastatal funds and insurance companies β as well as representatives of the health care workforce. Of particular significance is found to be: the impact of financial shortages on the viability of insurance; the extent to which elements of Russian local government reform can undermine regional health care governance; the innovation of decentralisation and the introduction of elements of contract and negotiation in place of vertical command and control structures; and conflict between parastatal health funds and insurance companies. In general the St. Petersburg system was more successful than that in Volgograd. The former was fortunate in its local government structures and in its legacy of institutional reform in health care, but also key policy choices have simplified the systems operation. In Volgograd Oblastβ the system suffers from over complexity, institutional conflict and a lack of clear and effective governance structures.
Using testimony and analysis from Russian newspaper and journal archives these issues are explored across Russia. Regional statistical material drawn from a wide range of sources is employed to consider what might be the main determinants/pre-conditions (economic, political, demographic) in system design.
Drawing five main conclusions in relation to the material above, the thesis additionally argues that βmarketisationβ, although partly the inspiration for the new system, is unhelpful as an analytical tool; that the main strength of the reforms has been to stabilise health care financing, but that without sufficient funds it may serve to reinforce Soviet-era distributional inefficiencies rather than solve them.
"
In the first part, it considers the decision to introduce insurance in the context of the international health care debate, and examines the relationship between health care reform and broader issues of the βtransitionβ away from communism to the market. Particular attention is drawn to how these two discourses in practice have run contrary to each other. It also documents experimental internal market health reform in the Gorbachev era in Leningrad (St. Petersburg), as well as the genesis, formulation and implementation of health insurance at the national level.
The main body of the thesis considers the development of compulsory health insurance in the two research sites, drawing primarily on interview data from 34 interviews with representatives of the main actors within the new system βthe municipal administration, parastatal funds and insurance companies β as well as representatives of the health care workforce. Of particular significance is found to be: the impact of financial shortages on the viability of insurance; the extent to which elements of Russian local government reform can undermine regional health care governance; the innovation of decentralisation and the introduction of elements of contract and negotiation in place of vertical command and control structures; and conflict between parastatal health funds and insurance companies. In general the St. Petersburg system was more successful than that in Volgograd. The former was fortunate in its local government structures and in its legacy of institutional reform in health care, but also key policy choices have simplified the systems operation. In Volgograd Oblastβ the system suffers from over complexity, institutional conflict and a lack of clear and effective governance structures.
Using testimony and analysis from Russian newspaper and journal archives these issues are explored across Russia. Regional statistical material drawn from a wide range of sources is employed to consider what might be the main determinants/pre-conditions (economic, political, demographic) in system design.
Drawing five main conclusions in relation to the material above, the thesis additionally argues that βmarketisationβ, although partly the inspiration for the new system, is unhelpful as an analytical tool; that the main strength of the reforms has been to stabilise health care financing, but that without sufficient funds it may serve to reinforce Soviet-era distributional inefficiencies rather than solve them.
"
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
"ΠΠ½ΠΈΠ³Π° ΠΏΠΎΡΠ²ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π° ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎΠΈΠ·ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠΌΡ Π°ΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΡ Π΄ΡΡ
ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΆΠΈΠ·Π½ΠΈ ΠΌΡΡΡΠ»ΡΠΌΠ°Π½ΡΠΊΠΈΡ
ΠΎΠ±ΡΠΈΠ½ ΡΡΠ΅Π΄Π½Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ»ΠΆΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΡΠ΅Π³ΠΈΠΎΠ½Π°: ΡΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΈΠΌ ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΠΌ, Π²ΠΎΠΏΠ»ΠΎΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΡΠΌ Π² ΡΡΠ°Π΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ° Π² ΠΏΠ΅ΡΠΈΠΎΠ΄ Ρ Π½Π°ΡΠ°Π»Π° Π΄ΠΎ ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΡΠ° XX Π²Π΅ΠΊΠ°, ΡΠ»Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΡΠ°ΠΌ ΠΊΡΠ»ΡΡΠ° ΡΠ²ΡΡΡΡ
ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡ. ΠΠ° ΠΎΡΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠΈ... more
"ΠΠ½ΠΈΠ³Π° ΠΏΠΎΡΠ²ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π° ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎΠΈΠ·ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠΌΡ Π°ΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΡ Π΄ΡΡ
ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΆΠΈΠ·Π½ΠΈ
ΠΌΡΡΡΠ»ΡΠΌΠ°Π½ΡΠΊΠΈΡ ΠΎΠ±ΡΠΈΠ½ ΡΡΠ΅Π΄Π½Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ»ΠΆΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΡΠ΅Π³ΠΈΠΎΠ½Π°: ΡΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΈΠΌ
ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΠΌ, Π²ΠΎΠΏΠ»ΠΎΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΡΠΌ Π² ΡΡΠ°Π΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ° Π² ΠΏΠ΅ΡΠΈΠΎΠ΄ Ρ Π½Π°ΡΠ°Π»Π° Π΄ΠΎ ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΡΠ° XX Π²Π΅ΠΊΠ°, ΡΠ»Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΡΠ°ΠΌ ΠΊΡΠ»ΡΡΠ° ΡΠ²ΡΡΡΡ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡ. ΠΠ° ΠΎΡΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎΠΈΠ·ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΡΡ ΠΌΠ°ΡΠ΅ΡΠΈΠ°Π»ΠΎΠ² Π·Π°ΡΡΠ±Π΅ΠΆΠ½ΠΎΠΉ, ΡΠΎΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠΈΠΎΠ³ΡΠ°ΡΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ²ΡΡ Π΄Π°Π½Π½ΡΡ Π΄Π°Π΅ΡΡΡ ΡΠ΅ΡΡΠΎΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠΈΠ²Π½ΡΠΉ Π°Π½Π°Π»ΠΈΠ· ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΠΊΡΠ΅ΡΠ½ΡΡ ΡΠ΅Π»ΠΈΠ³ΠΈΠΎΠ·Π½ΡΡ ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΊ, ΡΠΎΡΠΌ Π²Π·Π°ΠΈΠΌΠΎΠ΄Π΅ΠΉΡΡΠ²ΠΈΡ ΡΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΈΡ Π°Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡΠΎΠ² ΠΈ Π³ΠΎΡΡΠ΄Π°ΡΡΡΠ²Π°, Π΄Π΅Π»Π°Π΅ΡΡΡ Π²ΡΠ²ΠΎΠ΄ ΠΎ Π½Π°ΠΏΡΠ°Π²Π»Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΡΡΠΈ, ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠΈΡΠ΅ΡΠΊΠΎΠΌ Π·Π½Π°ΡΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΡΡΠ»Π΅Π΄ΡΠ΅ΠΌΡΡ ΡΠ²Π»Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΉ, Π° ΡΠ°ΠΊΠΆΠ΅ ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅ΡΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠΈΠ²Π°Ρ ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ° Π½Π° Π‘ΡΠ΅Π΄Π½Π΅ΠΉ ΠΠΎΠ»Π³Π΅ Π² XXI Π²Π΅ΠΊΠ΅.
"
ΠΌΡΡΡΠ»ΡΠΌΠ°Π½ΡΠΊΠΈΡ ΠΎΠ±ΡΠΈΠ½ ΡΡΠ΅Π΄Π½Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ»ΠΆΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΡΠ΅Π³ΠΈΠΎΠ½Π°: ΡΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΈΠΌ
ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΠΌ, Π²ΠΎΠΏΠ»ΠΎΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΡΠΌ Π² ΡΡΠ°Π΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ° Π² ΠΏΠ΅ΡΠΈΠΎΠ΄ Ρ Π½Π°ΡΠ°Π»Π° Π΄ΠΎ ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΡΠ° XX Π²Π΅ΠΊΠ°, ΡΠ»Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΡΠ°ΠΌ ΠΊΡΠ»ΡΡΠ° ΡΠ²ΡΡΡΡ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡ. ΠΠ° ΠΎΡΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎΠΈΠ·ΡΡΠ΅Π½Π½ΡΡ ΠΌΠ°ΡΠ΅ΡΠΈΠ°Π»ΠΎΠ² Π·Π°ΡΡΠ±Π΅ΠΆΠ½ΠΎΠΉ, ΡΠΎΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠΈΠΎΠ³ΡΠ°ΡΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ²ΡΡ Π΄Π°Π½Π½ΡΡ Π΄Π°Π΅ΡΡΡ ΡΠ΅ΡΡΠΎΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠΈΠ²Π½ΡΠΉ Π°Π½Π°Π»ΠΈΠ· ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΠΊΡΠ΅ΡΠ½ΡΡ ΡΠ΅Π»ΠΈΠ³ΠΈΠΎΠ·Π½ΡΡ ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΊ, ΡΠΎΡΠΌ Π²Π·Π°ΠΈΠΌΠΎΠ΄Π΅ΠΉΡΡΠ²ΠΈΡ ΡΡΡΠΈΠΉΡΠΊΠΈΡ Π°Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡΠΎΠ² ΠΈ Π³ΠΎΡΡΠ΄Π°ΡΡΡΠ²Π°, Π΄Π΅Π»Π°Π΅ΡΡΡ Π²ΡΠ²ΠΎΠ΄ ΠΎ Π½Π°ΠΏΡΠ°Π²Π»Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΡΡΠΈ, ΠΈΡΡΠΎΡΠΈΡΠ΅ΡΠΊΠΎΠΌ Π·Π½Π°ΡΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΡΡΠ»Π΅Π΄ΡΠ΅ΠΌΡΡ ΡΠ²Π»Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΉ, Π° ΡΠ°ΠΊΠΆΠ΅ ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅ΡΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠΈΠ²Π°Ρ ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ° Π½Π° Π‘ΡΠ΅Π΄Π½Π΅ΠΉ ΠΠΎΠ»Π³Π΅ Π² XXI Π²Π΅ΠΊΠ΅.
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In order to forestall a breakup of Europeβs largest country, the EU and US should make clear that a Russian trade war against Ukraine will soon lead to Western sanctions against Russian state-owned companies.


