EU CFSP & CSDP

The violent eruption of the Libya crisis and the seemingly uncoordinated reaction of the international community highlighted once more that efficient crisis management needs to grasp a situation in all its complexity, before being able to act appropriately: The legitimacy of any intervention is crucial for its success, and therefore an international mandate, a coherent approach and a sensible combination of civilian and military means are indispensable. The European External Action Service was envisioned as the main tool to enable the EU to act in accordance with these international diplomatic requirements in a more unified and coherent manner. Cathleen Berger analyses its capacity to do so. She explores both intergovernmental and supranational elements and identifies the players involved as well as crucial points and critical developments, leading to a substantiated evaluation of the EEAS as an important corporate actor and the respective implications for the development of crisis management in times of conflict and crisis.

The financial crisis has deeply affected European defence budgets and, as a consequence, the EU's capability to act as a provider of global security. This paper assesses the extent to which pooling & sharing (P&S) of military capabilities is a viable plan to boost collective capacity-building and offset the heavy budget cut-backs, drawing impetus from the NATO 'smart defence'agenda.

"This book analyses the present European Union (EU) approach to state-building, both in policy and operation. It offers a review of the literature on peace-building, EU state-building and conflict resolution, before examining in detail the EU’s role as a state-builder in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories following the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Drawing on extensive fieldwork and over 140 interviews carried out in Brussels, London, Jerusalem and Ramallah with EU, Palestinian and Israeli officials as well as academics, members of NGOs and civil society, the author evaluates the present approach of state-building and offers a framework to test the effectiveness of the EU as a state-builder. Examining security sector reform, judiciary sector reform and the rule of law, the book brings the ‘voices from the field’ to the forefront and measures the contribution of the EU to state-building against a backdrop of on-going conflict and a polarised social setting.

This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, EU politics, Middle Eastern politics, conflict resolution and state-building.
"

Cet essai analyse le contexte dans lequel se situe la décision de non-intervention de l’UE au Darfour avec ses instruments de (à l'époque) PESD, et essaye d’expliquer les raisons de ce choix, en considérant si l’option militaire était plausible à l’époque. Il suggère que, sans mandat ONU, l’UE n’intervient pas militairement dans des situations de crise, même si la violation des droits de l’homme est explicite.

"It is said that when the going gets tough, the tough get going. The current debate on the global security responsibilities of the European Union (EU), in preparation for the December 2013 European Council session on Defence, is struggling to grapple with two questions. First, is the EU “tough” enough to cope with an increasingly complex and insecure world? Second, does the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) get going at all?
"

In their transitions to democracy since 1989, the post-communist countries were haunted by a so-called “simultaneity dilemma.” They faced the exceptional challenge of simultaneously accomplishing enormous political, economic, social and cultural transformations. This led some scholars to refer to an “impossibility theorem” concerning the chances of success of such complex reforms. The early provision of an official offer to enter the European Union helped to alleviate the effects of the “simultaneity dilemma.” This led to surprisingly positive results of the reform efforts in East-Central Europe. Brussels should draw lessons from its success in the new EU member states, and also provide a long-term, conditional, explicit and official membership perspective to four of the six countries of its Eastern Partnership program, namely to Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine, and Armenia.

""2013
commander le livre : info@europavarietas.org
sur le site de l`Harmattan : http://www.editions-harmattan.fr/index.asp?navig=catalogue&obj=livre&no=41212&razSqlClone=1

Ce deuxième ouvrage de l'auteur concernant la politique étrangère et de défense de l’Union européenne étudie l’évolution des missions et opérations de la PESD/PSDC en Afrique, dans le concert de la diplomatie européenne et l'activité des organisations internationales et des différents acteurs. L'approche régionale nous aide à comprendre la complexité des enjeux et des défis, la structure des conflits, et à analyser les interactions transfrontalières.
Les premières missions et opérations sont l’expression concrète de la volonté de l’Union d’agir. Agir pour promouvoir la paix et la stabilité, agir pour contribuer à la prévention et à la résolution de conflits. Mais, est-ce que les missions européennes strictement limitées dans l'espace et dans le temps sont capables de contribuer à la stabilisation en Afrique?
Le contient africain au cœur des intérêts des grandes puissances surtout à cause des matières premières stratégiques, le terrorisme international, la piraterie et de plus en plus pour la migration et la fuite des cerveaux. L’intérêt de l’Union européenne est garantir sa propre sécurité et ses besoins et qu’elle soit un partenaire fiable des pays et organisations africains. L’Afrique a besoin des aides et des subventions, plusieurs États sont incapables de garantir leur propre sécurité. La géopolitique en Afrique a une priorité absolue.
La question principale à laquelle l‘auteur cherche la réponse, c’est dans quelle mesure l’Union peut-elle devenir un acteur international. Comment l’Union peut-elle transformer sa puissance économique en une puissance politique dans le système international du XXIème siècle. Comment concevons nous la coopération entre les institutions de l’Union européenne et celles de l’Union africaine et de l'OTAN ?

Ancien visiting fellow de l’EUISS et de la Commission de Défense de l’Assemblée de l’UEO, András István Türke est docteur de Paris III-Sorbonne Nouvelle. Il a effectué sa thèse sur l’évolution de la défense européenne et travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant pour les questions internationales et de défense. Il est chercheur associé de plusieurs instituts de recherche en France en Hongrie et en Suisse.

256 p.

TABLES DES MATIERES

CHAPITRE I. Les enjeux et les défis européens en Afrique
/Néocolonisation ou nouvelles stratégies pour une présence en Afrique ?/

CHAPITRE II. Les missions de l’Union européenne en République Démocratique du Congo

CHAPITRE III. L’Union européenne et la crise du Darfour
/Les missions de l’Union européenne au Soudan, au Tchad et dans la République centrafricaine/

CHAPITRE IV. La réforme du secteur de sécurité en Guinée-Bissau

CHAPITRE V. L'Union européenne, la PSDC et la crise en Libye
/EUFOR Libye : « L'opération fantomisée de la légion invisible? »/

CHAPITRE VI. Somalia, East Africa and the EU: Geopolitics, drivers and “comprehensive” engagement
(András Hettyey)

Conclusion générale
Bibliographie""

The eurozone crisis is not only calling into question the European Union’s economic strength but also its ability to be a global player. Austerity measures in many European countries are seeing cuts being made to defence budgets, and the need to control sovereign debt means that players such as China have increasing importance alongside traditional partners such as the United States. The eurozone crisis, raising the prospects of a “two-track” European Union should a treaty change be necessary, also raises important questions for EU foreign policy. In short, there are numerous threats to both EU foreign, security and defence policies coming from the eurozone crisis at a time when international crises such as the Arab transition continue. This paper proposes to analyse the longer-term geopolitical consequences of the eurozone crisis. Will the eurozone crisis jeopardise EU foreign policy or, if a stronger eurozone core should emerge, will it lead to more unity? What are the foreign policy and defence implications of the crisis: will CSDP have to give way to NATO in the face of defence cuts, or will a truly European solution to European geopolitical concerns emerge?

With labels like 'small power', 'civilian power', 'pragmatic power', etc. scholars try to describe foreign policy behaviour of states and other political units as the EU. The present work joins the current debate on CPE by examining the CSDP through a role theoretical perspective and asks for the EU's current and upcoming stance as a global actor in the 21st century.In a first step, a qualitative content analysis of official EU-documents will elaborate EU's intentions and aspirations with the deployment of EUFOR Tchad/RCA (rhetoric). In the second step, the embodiment of the given military operation will be examined (reality). Hypotheses for expected behaviour will provide a guideline for this analysis. In both parts the objective is to work out accordances and divergences with the civilian power concept.