Nationalism Studies

U radu su analizirane osobenosti procesa vezane za stvaranje (izmišljene) tradicije o slovačkom lokalnom razbojniku Juraju Janošiku. Analiza je fokusirana na sagledavanje različitih konstelacija koje su vezane za proces njegove mitizacije u okviru slovačkog nacionalizma, kao i na različite oblike manifestacije ovog nacionalnog mita u okvirima šireg društvenog, kulturnog i političkog obrasca tokom vremena. Nastojalo se što širem praćenju različitih oblika razvoja i percepcije ovog nacionalnog mita, pri čemu se težilo ukazivanju na distinkciju, ali i na preplitanje u shvatanju Janošika kao socijalnog bandita – što je istorijska pozadina njegove ličnosti, kao i na percepciju Janošika kao narodnog heroja sa jasno naglašenom etničkom konotacijom. Kako bi se jasnije ukazalo na ovakvu razliku, koja je od krucijalne važnosti za praćenje nastanka i razvoja ovog mita u okviru slovačkog nacionalizma, u radu je ukazano i na pojedine aspekte shvatanja razbojničke tematike (socijalnog banditizma) u okviru slovačkog romantizma.

This paper analyzes the characteristics of the processes which are related to the creation (invention) of the tradition about the Slovak local highwayman Juraj Jánošík. That is, the analysis is focused on the overview of different constellations related to his mythization within the Slovak nationalism as well as on various forms of manifestations of this national myth over time in terms of wider social, cultural and political pattern. There was an intention to widely follow the different forms of development and the perception of this national myth, with the focus on pointing out the distinction but also on the interweaving in the apprehension of Jánošík as a social bandit, which is the historical background of his personality as well as the perception of Jánošík as a national hero with a clearly distinctive ethnic connotation. In order to get a clearer indication of this difference – this is of the crucial importance anyway if we are to track the origin and the development of this myth within the Slovak nationalism, the paper points out certain aspects about the understanding of the subject of brigandage (social banditry) in the Slovakian romanticism.

In the 1920s, Germany quarrled about its colors and symbols with high emotion. The flag controversy was a mass sport. GERMAN: In den 1920ern stritt Deutschland emotional um Farben und Symbole. Der Flaggenstreit war Breitensport.
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• Schlagwörter: Ästhetik, Boykott, Bundesadler, Corporate Identity, Demokratie, Expressionismus, Fahne, Flagge, Flaggenkunde, Flaggenstreit, Flaggenverordnung, Gedenktag, Großdeutschland, Handelsflagge, Inszenierung, Kampagne, Kapp-Putsch, Kriegsschuld, Kulturhoheit, Kulturpolitik, Kulturstaatsminister, Logo, Misstrauensvotum, Nationalismus, Obrigkeitsstaat, Österreich, Propaganda, Präsidentschaftswahl 1925, Primitivkunst, Reichsadler, Reichsarchivar, Reichseinheitsflagge, Reichsfarben, Reichsflagge, Reichskanzler, Reichskunstwart, Reichstag, Republikschutzgesetz, Revolution, Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Schwarz-Weiß-Rot, Staatsbegräbnis, Symbolik, Symbolpolitik, Trikolore, Verfassung, Verfassungstag, Vexillologie, Wahlkampf, Weimarer Republik
• Organisationen: NSDAP, Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Reichsblock Schwarz-Weiß-Rot, Roter Frontkämpferbund, SA Sturmabteilung, SPD, Stahlhelm, Volksblock Schwarz-Rot-Gold
• Personen: Eduard David, Paul von Hindenburg, Paul Löbe, Hans Luther, Wilhelm Marx, Arnold Rabbow, Walther Rathenau, Edwin Redslob, Philipp Scheidemann, Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, Veit Valentin, Otto Wels, Christian Welzbacher
• Publikationen:  Simplicissimus

The opening in October 2007 of the national “Cité de l’immigration” seemed to indicate an evolution of the consideration given to minority and immigrants' culture within French national identity. A source of political consensus – its creation has been decided by a left-wing government at the end of the 1990s, and it was finally implemented by the right-wing Raffarin government, this museum dedicated to the memory of immigration in France - on the model of Ellis Island in New York - was supposed to demonstrate France's shift in its relation to immigrants' culture. However, until now, the “Cité de l’immigration” was mainly ignored, if not despised by the French political sphere, and to a certain extent by the French public. The aim of this contribution is twofold. First, it takes stock of the issues raised by the opening of the Cité de l’immigration museum in September 2007, in a political context of intransigent Jacobin defence of Republicanism after Nicolas Sarkozy's election in 2007, symbolized by the creation of a ministry of National Identity and Immigration. Secondly, I argue that the main obstacle to the Cité de l’immigration project is that it competes with a Republican state-oriented ‘cultural nationalism’ not ready to accept alternative analysis of French historical memory and culture. From this point, I hinge on the idea defended by a new generation of French Republicanism specialists, that culture has always been at the theoretical heart of the Republican ideal and French conception of citizenship. I also outline the clear differences between this form of cultural nationalism operated by the Republican State and the Volksgeist of the ethnic nation, providing an alternative to the classic dichotomy between civic and ethno-cultural forms of nations theorised by Hans Kohn.

The article contains analysis of the essay 'Union of the Ukrainian Liberation' (1917) by the Ukrainian writer Yuriy Lypa. An attempt is made do define crucial ideas manifested in the essay, as well as describe peculiarities of the author's stylistics.

The article embraces semantic diversity of the image of a Ukrainians in “Vseukrayinska Trylohiya” (“The All-Ukrainian Trilogy”) by Yuriy Lypa. National features of Ukrainians, their geopolitical potential, as well as the author's peculiar logic in describing Ukrainians were addressed and critically assessed.

The evidence shows that Tanzanian and Zambian university students representing the Afri-can by origin overwhelming majority of the countries’ population are generally tolerant to-wards their compatriots of the non-African (European and South Asian) origins. However, the evidence also gives reason to argue that, on the one hand, in both countries the percep-tion of Europeans is better than of Indians and, on the other hand, the level of tolerance among Zambian students is higher than among Tanzanian. The aim of the article is to find out why it is so; most attention is paid to the second, previously undiscovered phenomenon. The authors examine a number of factors that supposedly could lead to the Zambian edu-cated youth’s higher level of tolerance and arrive at the conclusion that the most significant among them is the existence since pre-colonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal number of expansionist centralized polities on the contemporary state’s territory as the background for autochthonous peoples’ unity in Tanzania and lack of such a background till colonial period in Zambia. Among the other factors tested, those that turned out impor-tant for defining the respondents’ attitude to the non-autochthonous minorities are their look at colonialism (the Zambian aggregate is characterized by less total rejection of colonialism due to which the European and South Asian diasporas appeared, as it is seen widely as the time when the nation began to form) and degree of concentration on the values of traditional culture (which is lower among Zambian students). In the meantime, the role secularization plays is contradictory, while belonging to the Christian or Muslim faith, to a larger or smaller ethnic group, place of birth (city, town, village, etc.), and probably financial situa-tion proved insignificant.

This thesis is a critical examination of civic nationalism that focuses on the disconnect between nationalist ideology and the social bases of nationhood, and the implications that this disconnect has for the feasibility of civic nationalism as a policy prescription for issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. While problems with the principles of civic nationalist ideology are important, my focus here is the more significant problem that civic nationalism is based on a general theory of nations and nationalism that treats them as solely ideological phenomena. Against this I argue that the term ‘nationalism’ refers to several different phenomena, most importantly a ‘system of culture’ or way of organizing society as described by Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson, and that augmenting Gellner and Anderson’s theories with the kind of relational social theory used by authors such as Rogers Brubaker and Charles Tilly provides an alternative explanation that is a better match for the evidence. If this is the case, I contend, then civic nationalism is both a misrepresentation of the history of nations and nationalism and infeasible as a prescription for policy issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. These arguments are supported with empirical evidence that is principally drawn from four cases: France, the United States, Northern Ireland, and Canada.