Autonomism
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Download Крушение Цинской и Российской империй в начале XX в. привело к экономическому и политическому хаосу на значительной части евразийского континента. В Байкальском регионе фактическое отсутствие государства спровоцировало многочисленные... more
Крушение Цинской и Российской империй в начале XX в. привело к экономическому и политическому хаосу на значительной части евразийского континента. В Байкальском регионе фактическое отсутствие государства спровоцировало многочисленные попытки региональных и внешних акторов воссоздать этот институт в той или иной форме. За шесть лет был разработан и частично воплощен в жизнь целый ряд проектов по созданию новых политических общностей и соответствующих административных и государственных границ. Авторы проектов апеллировали к этнической, религиозной и цивилизационной идентичности разнородного населения, обращались к идеям самоопределения и социальной справедливости, соперничали и сотрудничали друг с другом. Активная фаза борьбы за власть завершилась созданием Бурят-Монгольской автономной республики в 1923 году и независимой Монгольской республики годом позже. Для анализа конкурирующих проектов и тех пространств, которые они разграничивали, нами была создана географическая информационная система. По результатам исследования можно утверждать, что хотя номинальным критерием для окончательного размежевания стала национальность, другие идентичности также были учтены. Кроме того, уделяя значительное внимание трансграничным взаимосвязям, авторы победившего проекта фактически представили модель управления для будущего послереволюционного мира «без границ».
The latest German series of murders committed by the right terrorist underground organisation NSU, National Socialist Underground, (Baumgärtner/ Bötcher 2012) illustrated the real face of fascism which was to be forgotten during the last... more
The latest German series of murders committed by the right terrorist underground organisation NSU, National Socialist Underground, (Baumgärtner/ Bötcher 2012) illustrated the real face of fascism which was to be forgotten during the last years in Germany. Politicians, the several Offices for the Protection of the Constitution and the police were focusing on the alleged danger from left, antifascist actions more than the right wings. How could this happen? How could this inhuman and misanthropic movement be underestimated in a country, in which 182 people were killed by neo-Nazis or due to racist or xenophobic reasons since the German reunification (Erkol/ Winter 2011) and which started the second world war for gaining Lebensraum in the East? Over the years, neo-Nazis were establishing a new, citizen-orientated image of their movement. They were therefore no longer automatically standing for “skinheads biking, in formation” (Hurd/ Werther 2014: 1), but for likable neighbours, dedicated youth coaches or helpful organisations for the poorest (Germans) suffering from Hartz IV. For the youth, on the contrary, they provided lots of spare time activities in several non-parliamentarian organisations and their youth organisation JN and new sub cultures in addition to the skinhead scene like Hatecore, straight edge and Autonome Nationale, blurring the boundaries between the far left and the radical right.
Gezi lives, but to have a lasting effect it will need to be taken out of the realm of the extraordinary and into the everyday lives of ordinary people.
In Turkey, Gezi no longer refers to a park or even a protest movement: it now speaks to a Spirit of Revolt that has come to pervade the social fabric.
The bad news is that the 1% and the mainstream media have caught us in their web of ideological control. The good news is that there’s still a way out.
Twenty years after apartheid, the old freedom fighters of the ANC have come to reproduce the same structures of oppression against which they once arose.
Despite the growing authoritarianism of the Greek state, the rise of autonomous media makes the voice of the people increasingly difficult to drown out.
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"Of many recent experiments in ethnic conflict management, Spain's has been one of the most successful. This success is due in part to the specific pattern of democratisation experienced by Spain since the late 1970s, finally enshrined in... more
"Of many recent experiments in ethnic conflict management, Spain's has been one of the most successful. This success is due in part to the specific pattern of democratisation experienced by Spain since the late 1970s, finally enshrined in the new democratic constitution (December 1978).
Spanish nationalism can be understood as a response to peripheral nationalisms, at least as much as peripheral nationalism is a response to Spanish nationalism. Throughout this century, the bogey of ‘separatism’ has been used by Madrid elites to buttress centralism against any concessions to regionalism. In turn, intolerance of regional aspirations bred peripheral nationalism. However, the tension has slowly given shape to an interesting synthesis which attempts to bridge the gap between the two.
Since the nineteenth century, two forms of Spanish nationalism have competed: one espoused by Madrid's elites, the other by elites in Barcelona (and other regional capitals, in varying degrees). One is rigidly centralist, the other concerned with carving out a space of autonomy for other regions. I have argued elsewhere that the state played a major role in shaping both types of nationalism, although the internal dynamics of political elites were also important'"
Spanish nationalism can be understood as a response to peripheral nationalisms, at least as much as peripheral nationalism is a response to Spanish nationalism. Throughout this century, the bogey of ‘separatism’ has been used by Madrid elites to buttress centralism against any concessions to regionalism. In turn, intolerance of regional aspirations bred peripheral nationalism. However, the tension has slowly given shape to an interesting synthesis which attempts to bridge the gap between the two.
Since the nineteenth century, two forms of Spanish nationalism have competed: one espoused by Madrid's elites, the other by elites in Barcelona (and other regional capitals, in varying degrees). One is rigidly centralist, the other concerned with carving out a space of autonomy for other regions. I have argued elsewhere that the state played a major role in shaping both types of nationalism, although the internal dynamics of political elites were also important'"
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Comment comprendre la vigueur du renouveau culturel breton des années 1990 et, simultanément, la faiblesse de l'expression politique de la singularité bretonne ? Est-il judicieux de réduire la spécificité bretonne à la langue et à la... more
Comment comprendre la vigueur du renouveau culturel breton des années 1990 et, simultanément, la faiblesse de l'expression politique de la singularité bretonne ? Est-il judicieux de réduire la spécificité bretonne à la langue et à la culture ? Les Bretons, après avoir réévalué leur identité, vont-ils passer de l'émotion à la réflexion ? Vont-ils oser affirmer leur existence dans un monde en mutation ? Et, finalement, pourquoi être breton aujourd'hui ? Telles sont quelques-unes des questions auxquelles ce livre invite à réfléchir.