The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20140523081729/http://www.academia.edu:80/Documents/in/Hamas
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Research Interests:
Sociology, Violence, Rural, Religion and Politics, Conflict, and 126 moreedit
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Research Interests:
Religion, Comparative Religion, Sociology, Criminology, International Relations, and 138 moreedit
This paper will advance an alternative to the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by focusing on the maximized security the proposal could bring to the region rather than on the Palestinians’ attested right to... more
This paper will advance an alternative to the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by focusing on the maximized security the proposal could bring to the region rather than on the Palestinians’ attested right to independence and self-determination. The highly advocated two-state solution, which suggests a partition plan that would create a Palestinian state composed of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, ignores the fact that these separate territories do not see eye to eye. There are, in a sense, already two de facto Palestinian states – one governed by the terrorist group Hamas in Gaza and the other ruled by Fatah in the West Bank. They have yet to make peace with each other, much less with Israel. The solution I propose thus attempts to remedy the complications that would ensue from a harshly divided state composed of the territories alone. I thus propose that Israel should remain a Jewish state at its pre-1967 borders, while the Gaza Strip should reconverge with Egypt, and the West Bank should reconverge with Jordan. My goal in this paper is to frame the policy in a way that enhances its desirability among Jews and Arabs alike. By making the dilemma a choice between territory and potential stability and peace – although this overly simplifies the situation – I aspire to expose an alternative approach to a highly debated topic with the hopes of converting more supporters, as this solution can only be successful if it has a strong foundation.
The name of the well known terrorist group Hamas is actually an acronym for Harakat al-Muqwama al-Islamiyya (Knudsen, 2005). The foundation of this group goes back to the Islamic Centre which was given birth in Gaza in 1973, and prior to... more
The name of the well known terrorist group Hamas is actually an acronym for Harakat al-Muqwama al-Islamiyya (Knudsen, 2005).  The foundation of this group goes back to the Islamic Centre which was given birth in Gaza in 1973, and prior to this, to the Egyptian Brotherhood which was set up in 1928 (Knudsen, 2005). Hamas was formed by Palestinian refugees, born in the late 1940’s and educated in Egypt, who were exposed to the ideology of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (Knudsen, 2005). Hamas, which is also known as the Islamic Resistance Movement, became a key player in the Palestinian front against the Israelites from the day it was set up in December 1987 (Hroub, 2004).
Research Interests:
""Kekuatan Hamas - Menjadi penyelamat/hero kepada rakyat palestin dalam tiga evolusi - Berpegang teguh kepada matlamat iaitu tidak akan mengiktiraf Israel sebagai sebuah negara Analisis akhir - Hamas mungkin dihalau dari Palestin... more
""Kekuatan Hamas
- Menjadi penyelamat/hero kepada rakyat palestin dalam tiga evolusi
- Berpegang teguh kepada matlamat iaitu tidak akan mengiktiraf Israel sebagai sebuah negara

Analisis akhir
- Hamas mungkin dihalau dari Palestin sekiranya tidak ingin mengiktiraf Israel.
ATAU
- Israel menjadi sebahagian daripada Palestin sebagai satu komuniti kecil dalam negara tersebut tanpa perlu menghalau Hamas. Islamisme yang diamalkan Hamas membolehkan Israel diterima kerana Islam menghormati agama selain dari Islam seperti zaman dahulu.""
This paper challenges the paradigms behind the doctrine of the War of Terrorism and proposes that it be replaced by understanding the ethnic conflicts that underly these wars. Rather than seeing separatism as a destructive force, the... more
This paper challenges the paradigms behind the doctrine of the War of Terrorism and proposes that it be replaced by understanding the ethnic conflicts that underly these wars. Rather than seeing separatism as a destructive force, the author argues that the United States foreign policy should be based again on principle of self-determination. Two, sometimes complementary, sometimes contradictory, principes on which our country was based are self-determination and empire. Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt were proponents of self-determination, but neither was in a position to fully implement it. Today, with the existence of the United Nations, the United States has the power to reinstitute the principle through internationally supervised plebiscites, rather than war.
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