Media and Communications

Este artigo traz resultados preliminares de pesquisa que analisa a produção de documentários realizados com participação da comunidade técnico-científica da Coordenação de Ciências Humanas (CCH) do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi (MPEG). O corpus proposto abrange audiovisuais de não ficção sobre os temas científicos pertencentes às áreas de atuação da Coordenação (Antropologia, Arqueologia e Linguística), produzidos entre 2001 e 2015. A principal referência teórica considerada provém de Bill Nichols (1991; 2012), a partir da qual procuramos entender os diferentes papeis e arranjos
(institucional, profissional e textual) desempenhados pelo audiovisual no processo de elaboração e divulgação de conteúdos científicos na CCH/MPEG

While the analysis of generations has been central in the sociological understanding of social change, the role of the media in this process has only been acknowledged as an important feature during the last couple of decades. Building on quantitative and qualitative comparative research, Media Generations analyses the role of the media in the formation of generational experience, identity and habitus, and how mediated nostalgia is an important part in the social formation of generations.

Avoiding popular generational labelling Göran Bolin argues that the totality of the media landscape is a contextual structure that together with age and life-course factors help inform world-views and ways to relate to the wider society that guide the actions of media users. Media Generations demonstrates how - as different generations come of age at different moments in the mediatised historical process - they develop different media habits, but also make sense of the world differently, which informs their relations to older and younger generations.

It also explores how this process of ‘generationing’, that is, the process in which a generation come into being as a self-perceived social identity, partly builds on specific kinds of nostalgia that establishes generational differences and distinctions. This book will be of special interest to those studying social change, collective memory, cultural identity and the role of the media in social experience.

This chapter provides an overview of the content of this book. It traces briefly the background on how the media piracy in the Philippines and Vietnam has grown through the years despite the hegemonic pressure of the United States Trade Representative and the government efforts of the Philippines and Vietnam to reform their respective Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) laws and local copyright protection system. It reviews some popular and prescriptive theories on why media piracy persists in developing countries and explains why the sociological perspective, particularly the relational and network approach of the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) can be an appropriate theoretical framework to understand comprehensively the persistence of media piracy in the Philippines and Vietnam. Furthermore, it describes the book's main objectives as well as the data source and research method which are used in the two subsequent sociological studies that became the basis of this book. Finally, it defines some major terms on media piracy which are often cited in the text and provides a roadmap for the book, describing briefly the content of each chapter and how the chapters are interconnected with one another to achieve the book's overall purpose.

The aim of this paper is to discuss media regulation. The paper argues that the media cannot be trusted to regulate itself in any way whatsoever because the media is self-centered, neither interested in nor able to self-regulate, enforcing would be problematic, increased scope of the media, and ownership by politicians. The state/government regulation is not needed as much as possible because Australia is an advanced and modern democracy, the state/government cannot be trusted to regulate the media, it would be tyranny, negative reports on governance would be filtered, it would kill the mainstream media and free market, many people in the world support the principle of media freedom, the media would downsize, it wouldn’t regulate the actual content, and  the state or government might use it to spread propaganda.

In this paper we analyse a 2013 press conference hosting the world's first tasting of a laboratory grown hamburger. We explore this as a media event: an exceptional performative moment in which common meanings are mobilised and a connection to a shared centre of reality is offered. We develop our own theoretical contribution – the promotional public – to characterise the affirmative and partial patchwork of carefully selected actors invoked during the burger tasting. Our account draws upon three areas of analysis: interview data with the scientists who developed the burger, media analysis of the streamed press conference itself, and media analysis of the social media tail during and following the event. We argue that the call to witness an experiment is a form of promotion but that such promotional material also offers an address that invokes a public with its attendant tensions. http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/PSCIENCE Public Understanding of Science

This essay seeks to explain how the depictions of children in movies depend more on the background of the filmmakers, the intended audience for the film, and the national context in which it was produced, than on any qualities inherent to childhood. First, it will discuss how childhood is constructed in different ways by different groups of people. Then, it will present the effects that ideology has in filmmaking. And finally, it will touch upon how particular national contexts generate different representations of childhood. In order to do so, it will discuss three very different movies: Peruvian productions Gregorio (1984) and Juliana (1988), and American blockbuster The Goonies (1985). It was presented as a summative exam for the Film Theory and World Cinema module at the London School of Economics.

This article emphasizes that media convergence possesses real influence in the world. Nowadays, resources such as text, audio, video, pictures, and so forth, can be shared via the media. These multiplatformed tools can be easily accessible by the Internet. This provides a large majority of people better chance to utilize the tools. The television, as an old media, also borrows or shares the content of the new media as materials for the production. As one of the new media, YouTube provides similar materials as the television. YouTube has a user-generated content, which means any individual may watch, upload, download, or publish videos as long as they have access to the Internet. The old media policy does not only borrows materials from the new media because of the trend only, but also because of the economic factor involved. The videos on YouTube can be made with pocket cameras or handphones. This puts YouTube in contrast to the television, which demand the standard camera for program production. Hence, if the television borrows materials from the YouTube, the producer of the television program may cut cost production significantly.

Political crackdown unfolding around entire episode of Jawahar Lal Nehru university not only proves complete failure of BJP led NDA government in controlling and handling day to day political events, it also shows that this government is the best representative of all those aggressive, undemocratic and unconstitutional tendencies which in principle, any democratically elected government should deny to represent. Indeed, the manner in which JNU's President Kanhaiya Kumar and some other students have been booked under the charges of sedition clearly required power and tyranny, it can never be a democratic act, since any democratic act requires an element of moral legitimacy in it, which in this episode was clearly lacking on government's part. Cops searching and raiding in campus and student hostels were dangerous manifestations of power and authority used by government to crush political culture of JNU which has a remarkable history. In other way, it was a malign attempt to criminalize entire student community of JNU; arrest of Kanhaiya Kumar as JNU president despite being not present at the alleged venue in that sense carried a strong political message-government can't accept JNU as academic entity representing political thoughts of different shades, it can't accept universities to be the spaces of discourse and discussions and more so, it can't accept single voice of dissent against its petty politics. Of course, there are several dangerous implications of this episode-branding entire student community of university as anti-national is one of them, but there are certainly more dangerous embedded in the episode-one relates to the manner in which collective conscience of our society is reacting on the issue. 'Shut down JNU' is the appeal which unapologetically and infamously calls for wiping out a social-cultural legacy. This appeal is often backed up by abusive remarks; a majoritarian and narrowly defined view of nationalism and ultimately branding those anti national who are in any way questioning, criticizing and simply asking the merits of Delhi police move and role of highest authority of government. In fact, the most unfortunate aspect is the unapologetic manner with which undemocratic and unconstitutional calls and values are gaining legitimacy and to some extent consistency in the public sphere. Upheaval of this unapologetic sense however signals a conjuncture, which has long been persisted in Indian democratic ethos but it was always of late rationalized by values of liberal democratic politics and its institutions. With the BJP led NDA government coming into power in 2014, situation changed, and a sense of unapology for authoritative and undemocratic values was internalized in the social and political realm. Also, NDA did not even preserve liberal democratic values during the course of its governance. Public reactions we saw in the JNU episode were a clear amalgamation of both these developments.