Postsoviet countries

The PRIVMORT project was funded in 2013 by the European Research Council and conducted large-sample surveys in Russia, Belarus and Hungary (in total 63,073 interviews) to examine the impact of privatisation on health in post-communist states. Project funding is set to continue until later this year.

Over 7 million excess premature deaths were experienced in post-communist countries in the early 1990’s, with obvious peaks in this type of death over subsequent major economic downturns. Previous research has attributed proximal causes of these deaths to factors including alcohol and social and psychological stress, but the more distant factors for these fluctuations in death toll are unclear. The PRIVMORT project was designed to link micro- and macro- level data to determine the hierarchy of causes of mortality from the distal (e.g. privatization) to the proximal (e.g. alcohol) in the three aforementioned countries.

The main research objectives of the project were:
1. To conduct an in-depth investigation into the post-communist mortality crisis using multi-level data.
2. To provide meso- and micro-data to test the privatization-mortality hypothesis;
3. To understand whether post-communist mortality in general and any potential privatisation-induced mortality, in particular, are influenced by social factors such as class, occupational position, education, gender and community level factors; and
4. To examine the effect of these social variables on health outcomes in the post-communist states.

The initial outputs of the PRIVMORT dataset provide evidence indicate that the rapid pace of privatisation in post-Soviet Russia was a significant factor in increasing working-age male mortality. More results are yet to be published- keep checking back on the website for further information.
The website was developed by Timur Alexandrov, PhD researcher of the Department of Sociology.

Мода на рафинированную и не очень ненависть к white trash, т.е. к белой голытьбе, давно перестала быть отличительной чертой американской массовой культуры и приобрела все свойства глобального мейнстрима. Среди заметных адептов моды на стеб над «бедными белыми» – тандем Шнур-Пармас: их последние клипы воспроизводят как традиционные, так и недавно освоенные приемы, усиливающие пренебрежительное отношение к бедным в пользу утверждения превосходства белых особей мужского пола.

The modern sociological research of corruption and information usually concentrate the attention on the scale of distribution of these phenomena and ways of overcoming. At the same time, the functions that they can realize in societies that are in transitional state (quasi-modern, estate, etc.) are being ignored. The author suggests to examine informality and corruption from the perspective of their role in support of the social order, which can be revealed through the concepts of “justification” and “justice”. The hypotheses were tested as result of the sociological research that consisted of two stages: qualitative (n= 50) in form of in-depth interview, as well as quantitative (n= 700) realized using CATI. During the course of this work, it was established that the perception of society as corrupted and the understanding of justification of corruption are in positive correlation. The hypothesis of S. Kordonsky on perception of the Russian society as the “estate society” with the distinct role of corruption in form of “rent-seeking behavior”, partially found its confirmation.// Современные социологические исследования коррупции и неформальности, как правило, концентрируют свое внимание на масштабах распространения этих феноменов и способах борьбы с ними. При этом игнорируются функции, которые они могут выполнять в обществах, находящихся в состоянии транзита (общества "квази-модерна", "сословные общества" и т.п.). В данном исследовании неформальность и коррупцию предлагается рассмотреть с точки зрения их роли в поддержании социального порядка, которую можно выявить с помощью концептов «оправданности» и «справедливости». Гипотезы были апробированы в результате социологического исследования, состоящего из двух этапов: качественного (n=50) в виде глубинного интервью и количественного (n=700), осуществленного с помощью CATI. В ходе исследования было установлено, что восприятие общества коррумпированным и представление об оправданности коррупции в общественном мнении находятся в прямой зависимости. Отчасти нашла свое подтверждение гипотеза С. Кордонского о восприятии российского общества как «сословного общества» с его своеобразном ролью коррупции в виде «сословной ренты»

Якушик В. М. Исходные позиции. Как украинское экспертное сообщество встретит возможный шанс для восстановления целостности Молдавии? // Динамика развития переговорного процесса между Приднестровьем и Республикой Молдова. 15 лет «Постоянному совещанию по политическим вопросам в рамках переговорного процесса по приднестровскому урегулированию». Вестник ТШПИ № 2/2017 / [гл. ред. А. В. Дирун]; Тираспольская школа политических исследований (ТШПИ) – Тирасполь: ОО ТШПИ, 2017. (– 61 с.) – С. 34-53.

В статье схематично предлагается общая структура
позиций экспертного сообщества Украины по отношению к
приднестровскому конфликту, отмечается их определённая
динамика в контексте событий 2014-2017 гг. в Украине.

Yakushik V. M. Starting positions. How will the Ukrainian expert community meet the possible chance to restore the integrity of Moldova? – In: Dynamics of development of the negotiation process between Transnistria and the Republic of Moldova. 15 years of the “Permanent Conference on Political Issues in the Framework of the Negotiation Process for the Transnistrian Settlement”. Herald of Tiraspol School of Political Studies (Vestnik TShPI). No. 2/2017 / Chief ed. A. V. Dirun; Tiraspol School of Political Studies. – Tiraspol: OO TShPI, 2017. (– 61 p.) – P. 34-53. (In Russian).

This article is dedicated to the Novorossiyan political myth among the populations of Southeastern Ukraine, Transnistria, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia. The author analyzes this myth in terms of the peculiar transnationalism and political imagination that led to the formation of a utopian alternative to the existing East European order. The author argues that the Novorossiyan myth is the separatists' response to the needs and demands of groups that feel excluded from post-Soviet title nations. Also, the myth is a response to needs and demands of the populations of unrecognized states—the "invisible nations" that are now seeking a new "international or-der".

The conflict in Ukraine has altered the geopolitical configuration in Eurasia. The very beginning of Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine’s internal affairs became the starting point of major geopolitical shifts in the region and in the world. Ukraine and later Syria became “points of no
return” – of Russia’s policy course transformation into a policy of essentially different quality, possibly with regard to the Central Asian region, too. The conflict began to de-escalate only about six months ago; however, the consequences of the Ukraine conflict still continue to
unfold in time and space.
Those consequences have affected all the Central Asian countries, but, especially, Kazakhstan, Russia’s geographical neighbor, with a strong division of public opinion, which was fraught with numerous dangers.
The principal consequences of the Ukraine conflict for Central Asia and Kazakhstan can be classified and described as follows...

According to the inquiry, 84% of the respondents disagreed with the idea that the state is acting in their interest. A 79% of respondents thought that the current government is not doing what is best for the country and 76% did not feel that the state is protecting them.

These results, and lack of trust towards the state, are contrasted by a growing trust towards fellow citizens or at least a feeling of solidarity. In some regions (Vinnitsa, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kirovograd) up to 100% of our respondents considers it important to help one other.

Can informal payments in higher education be interpreted as an expression of social solidarity? Is it possible to claim that citizens, although unhappy with having to embark in informal payments and considering it a shameful practice, in the end comply with it as they understood that they are needed to keep the system going?

This study refers to which dynamics should history be built on while
structuring a state. In this sense, function of history in building a state has been tried
to be determined through historiography that has been carried out in Azerbaijan for
the last two centuries. Thus, role of history, as a constructive element, in building a
state has been pointed out both theoretically and practically.
Azerbaijani historiography on which a feudal historiography tradition limited
to eastern Mohammedanism was prevailing methodologically in the 18th century
could make progress only after the Russian occupation in the 19th century.
Azerbaijani history started to be considered as a part of Turkish history under the
nationalism idea in early 20th century while it has been written in line with Russianguided
Marxist-Leninist views and on the basis of dialectic materialism as the Soviet
regime became prevailing on Azerbaijani life. In this time period, some subjective
approaches to Azerbaijani historiography had been seen and historical realities had
neglected. In particular, several subjects such as history-writing, history training and
establishing national identity had been tried to be re-formed in a Sovietic point of
view in order to be able to damage socio-cultural and political bonds between
Turkish-speaking populations. Azerbaijani historiography was also affected by these
policies designed especially for Turkish-speaking region.
334
Azerbaijani intelligentsia captivated by nationalism movement with the
dismemberment of the Soviet Union attempted to construct a new nation. The
principle of being national for Azerbaijan has come into existence together with
becoming free from Sovietic elements. On the other hand, duality experienced in
determining the context of nation concept leads to discussions on sincerity. The
national identity that was based on Turkish ethical structure in Elçibey period was
tried to be constructed on a cosmopolite population in Aliyev period which was
similar to the Soviet point of view.
The said fact has affected historiographical activities inevitably. Azerbaijani
history that is still tried to be formed depending on understandings from Soviet
period is now under construction through a cosmopolite structure limited to a
geographical area which is heritage of Soviet historiography. In conclusion,
Azerbaijani historiography suffers from not being able to draw away from Soviet
historiography. Despite all these complications, mission fastened on history in
nation-state construct of the Republic of Azerbaijan holds its validity.

Le mouvement « Euromaïdan » semble avoir ravivé le nationalisme ukrainien qui a agi comme force mobilisatrice. Nombreuses sont les études qui s’attachent à comprendre d’où vient ce nationalisme, de multiples références sont faites aux nationalistes d’avant l’indépendance, on évoque régulièrement Stepan Bandera, que d’aucuns considèrent comme un héros de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et un leader de la cause indépendantiste. Pour autant, ces références à certains mythes d’une Ukraine indépendante et à des figures historiques incarnant cette lutte ne suffisent pas à éclairer le visage du nationalisme dans l’Ukraine d’aujourd’hui, d’autant que ces mythes deviennent les objets d’enjeux mémoriels qui empêchent de saisir clairement leur sens. Il convient en effet de se demander qui sont les nationalistes de l’Ukraine indépendante et de s’interroger sur leurs modes d’expression et d’action. Dans une société aussi diverse culturellement que l’Ukraine, on peut également se demander si le nationalisme peut être une force qui permet de dépasser les clivages ethnico-culturels et ainsi de renforcer et sécuriser l’indépendance, ou s’il mène au contraire l’Ukraine dans une impasse. En d’autres termes, quels sont les effets et les limites du nationalisme ukrainien sur le processus de construction nationale de cet Etat issu de l’effondrement de l’Union Soviétique ?

Analiza porównawcza para-państw na obszarze b. ZSRR Streszczenie Wydarzenia z przełomu 2013 i 2014 roku na Ukrainie uczyniły aktualnym problem roli państwa. Para-państwa na obszarze postradzieckim istnieją od 1991 roku. Ich występowanie wiąże się z dużym zróżnicowaniem etnicznym obszarów i geopolityczną orientacją państw macierzystych. Cechą szczególną obszaru b. ZSRR są słabe i nieskuteczne instytucje polityczne, podważana legitymacja społeczna i nieukształtowana tożsamość narodowa. Na początku lat 90-tych XX wieku miało miejsce szereg konfliktów od Mołdawii po Kaukaz Południowy. W 2008 roku doszło do wojny w Gruzji. Ostatnim punktem wystąpienia jest odniesienie wniosków do sytuacji na Krymie. Abstract The phenomen of para-state. Comparatve analysis of para-states on the former Soviet Union area.The events which took place at the turn of 2013 and 2014 in Ukraine have made current the problem of the role of the state. Para-states in post-Soviet area existed since 1991. Their occurrence is associated with an ethnic diversity of these areas and geopolitical orientation of the parent states. A special feature of the former USSR area are weak and ineffective political institutions, undermined social legitimacy and unformed national identity. In the early 1990s of 20th century took place a series of conflicts from Moldova to the South Caucasus. In 2008 there was a war in Georgia. The last point of the paper is a conclusion applies to the situation in Crimea. Definicje para-państwa Zgodnie z Międzyamerykańską konwencją o prawach i obowiązkach państw z 1933 r., nowopowstałe państwo, aby stać się podmiotem prawa międzynarodowego musi posiadać:

This the project of thesis which I am about to complete in one month and a half, therefore, I would be glad to get some feedback on the fashion of topic disclosure and coverage.
The paper is focused mainly on the media image of the Euromaidan in the news agency 'RIA Novosti", however, there was no intention to unveil any correlations between official Russian stance and media coverage, that is why there will be no any conclusions between the image and official position. Although the study is not aimed to detect such interdependences the reader may make some evident conclusions. The research aims only to render overall picture of the Euromaidan in the reports of RIA Novosti. The aforementioned image is significant, because the RIA Novosti, being a reilable source of information, possesses certain degree of influence within Russian speaking community on Internet, especially in social media. Furthermore, RIA Novosti due to being information agency impacts the agenda of media in Russia and beyond. Accordingly, the image transmitted via the channels of RIA Novosti should not be underestimated.

Özet 20. yüzyılın başlarında ulusçu düşüncenin eyleme dönüşmesiyle yeni bir dünya düzeni kurulmuştur. Bu yeni düzende, tarihe şekil veren büyük imparatorluklar yerlerini kendi içlerinden çıkan ulus-devletlere bırakmak zorunda kalmıştır. Yüzyıl başındaki bu değişim Rusya halkları için sadece yönetim biçimiyle sınırlı kalan bir başkalaşımdan ibaret olmuştur. Nitekim imparatorluk ortadan kaldırılmış, fakat beklenen ulus-devletler ortaya çıkmamış, daha doğrusu Bolşevikler böyle bir duruma müsaade etmemiştir. Bu halklar ancak yüzyılın sonunda Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasıyla bağımsızlıklarını elde edebilmişlerdir. Sovyet halkları arasında yer alan Türkdilli halklar geç elde ettikleri bu bağımsızlıklarının meşruiyetini pekiştirmek amacıyla ulusun ve devletin biricikliğine atıfta bulunan toprak, bayrak, dil, tarih ve benzeri objeleri ulusçuluk temelinde yeniden dizayn etmişlerdir. Bu çerçevede siyasal tercihini ulus-devlet anlayışından yana yapan Azerbaycan, ulusçu bir anlayışla tarihine ve kimliğine yeni bir şekil vermeye başlamıştır. Fakat bu süreç bağımsızlık sonrasının siyasi çalkantılarına paralel olarak geliştiğinden Azerbaycan ulusal tarih yazımı kalıcı bir biçim alamamıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Azerbaycan, ulus-devlet, tarih yazımı, ulusal tarih, ulusal kimlik. Abstract At the beginning of the 20 th century, as the nationalist thinking turned into action a new world order emerged. In this new world order, great empires had to leave their autonomy to the nation-states, which arose within those empires. This conversion taking place at the beginning of the century was only a rebellion for Russian nations, which is limited to a change of regime. As a matter of fact the empires were destroyed, but the expected nation states did not emerge, or more precisely the Bolsheviks did not allow them to do so. These nations could only gain their independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the century. In order to consolidate the legitimacy of their delayed independence, the Turkish speaking nations among the Soviet communities redesigned the concepts of land, flag, language, history and similar elements that refer to the uniqueness of the nation and the state, on the basis of nationalism. In this respect, Azerbaijan, which made its political choice in favor of being a nation-state, started to redesign its history and identity with a national perspective. However, since this process developed in line with political upheaval, the national historiography of Azerbaijan could not adopt a permanent shape.

En las dos últimas décadas muchos autores y cineastas residentes dentro o fuera de Cuba se han referido al contexto del Período Especial en sus creaciones artísticas. En este ensayo quisiera reflexionar sobre las modalidades de la representación del hambre, su exploración e incluso explotación. El análisis de un corpus de películas y novelas que se relacionan con el Período Especial me ha llevado a proponer cuatro «estrategias» que se alejan cada vez más del mundo referencial marcado por la penuria: estereotipo, contraste, relegación al segundo plano, metonimia (en el sentido de desplazamiento). Ilustraré cada una de estas «estrategias» comentando brevemente películas como Alicia en el Pueblo de Maravillas (Díaz Torres), Suite Habana y Madagascar (Fernando Pérez) y novelas como El hombre, la hembra, el hambre (Daína Chaviano), Te di la vida entera (Zoé Valdés), Las Bestias (Ronaldo Menéndez), El Rey de La Habana (Pedro Juan Gutiérrez), Silencios (Karla Suárez), La sombra del caminante (Ena Lucía Portela). Terminaré con el estudio de Las comidas profundas de Antonio José Ponte que reúne y rebasa las estrategias propuestas. Mis análisis revelan que estas diferentes « estrategias » sirven objetivos específicos en el campo de la ética, la estética y la poética de estas expresiones artísticas.

As long as fear of Russian military escalation, invasion, occupation, annexation and expropriation mars Ukraine’s business climate, no one can expect the country to enjoy a sustainable economic recovery. Indeed, the Ukrainian state, reformed or not, cannot survive for long without massive domestic and foreign investment.

Towards the end of 2014, a sudden decrease in the number of migrants to Russia sparked a debate on how the economic slowdown and legislation changes affected the country’s attractiveness as a migration destination, as covered in the previous issue of our Brief. In this issue, we review the latest trends in migration, remittances and policies for the second quarter, taking stock of the full first half of 2015.