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"CALL FOR BOOK CHAPTERS: "MAPPING THE ALTERNATIVE MEDIA IN TURKEY" Editors: Barış Çoban & Bora Ataman Extended Deadline for abstracts: January 1st 2013 http://alternativemediamap.net/ We aim to map the alternative media in... more
"CALL FOR BOOK CHAPTERS: "MAPPING THE ALTERNATIVE MEDIA IN TURKEY"

Editors: Barış Çoban & Bora Ataman

Extended Deadline for abstracts:
January 1st 2013

http://alternativemediamap.net/

We aim to map the alternative media in Turkey, which is varied in form, structure and working styles such as “cracks”, “rhizomes” and “fronts”. Similarly to what has occurred with the mainstream media, both large and small examples of the alternative media, alongside their widespread prevalence inside the country, have also already transcended the national borders. We argue that mapping the alternative media, embracing newspapers, radio and television channels, cinemas, blogs, forums and platforms, essentially the full range of conventional and new media organs and vehicles, is one of the most useful research approaches to comprehending the nature of alternative politics in Turkey.

The alternative media works as a source of memory and an archive helping to understand the historical and current structure of alternative politics in Turkey. IT also gives voice to alternative ideologies and politics and makes their political activities visible. In addition, the alternative media, which mainly represents the “otherised”, oppressed and marginalised groups, forms the vanguard of struggle against the hegemony and barbarism of the oppressive, globalized neo-liberal society.

Alternative media, as an umbrella term, applies to those media organs which are typically bottom up organisations. In principle, their organizational structures and decision making processes are democratic, participatory, polyphonic and dialogic. Their opposition to the mainstream media finds its roots, in its form and content, in social and political struggles and is based in radical ideologies such as anarchism, radical democracy and Marxism. The existence of alternative media indicates the struggle to construct a truly democratic and free sphere of communication from a number of broad perspectives, varying from the idea of simply being independent from either the state or capital, to being completely opposed to them. In this context, it is also possible to claim that every organ of the alternative media, as a centre of subaltern resistance, is part of a greater alternative communication network.

This so-called alternative network (or networks) is/are the voice of different political or social groups, communities, minorities or even individuals at the grassroots level. Thus, they open the way for these groups to actively participate in political and social life, as either real “agents” or as “spectacles” in the field of symbolic struggle. Therefore, individuals or groups can find opportunities to get involved in both real and symbolic struggles for hegemony, not only as consumers, but also as producers; as active agents.

Therefore, alternative media institutions either on the micro- or macro-scale cannot be considered as combatants solely at the informational level. In addition to their struggle to gather, record and spread news and ideas concerning local, national and transnational problems, they also provide a response to the establishment through real political actions. It is not unusual to see their active participation in protests, or even note that they hold the leadership positions in the organisation of some of these dissident political actions. Therefore, their active struggle with the hegemonic powers can also be considered as an effort to create alternative political forms. More commonly however, alternative media operate as the symbolic production centre of alternative politics and as an incubation ground for the intellectual and ideological constructs of social movements.

Alternative media, along with other dissident institutions, are seen as paving the way for a brighter and more just future by being the voice of the voiceless and contributing to the imagining of a different world. Threatening so-called representative democracy by supporting participatory social, cultural and political activities is also deemed useful to this end. By engaging in such activities, they may be able to cause the transformation of political culture in general. More importantly, however, the ways in which subordinate constituents of the society interpret politics and their own means of participation could change in a positive manner. Moreover, such efforts may also lead to the construction of efficient counter-public spheres alongside the more common examples of alternative spaces.
Diverse anti-systemic, reformist and revolutionary ideological orientations, varied political discourses and different modes of action constituting the alternative media landscape mostly open up an opportunity for the “oppressed” to actively participate in these alternative political spaces that are, to a certain extent, diverse, colourful, vivid and, most importantly, innately dialogic.
In this context, we argue that the “duty” of academia should be to understand these alternatives without stigmatizing them as the source of conflicts within the prevailing social system. After all, we as editors, would like to study these initiatives since the imagining of an alternative world may only be possible by embracing the oppressed and their voice, even though the world around us is not particularly welcoming.

Abstracts of papers are sought on topics such as:
• Radical- militant media (affiliated with revolutionary organizations)
• Radical media (Struggling within legal parameters to push the limits of the existing system
• Identity and rights-based media (Human rights, labour and trade-union rights, gender, environment, ethnicity, struggles based on faith or denomination
• Transnational and diaspora-based alternative media
• Independent, objective, opposition media
• Dissident voices, “cracks” in the mainstream media

However, it should be noted that the categories above do not refer to independent categories with clear differences. It is possible to say that; most examples of the alternative media operating in Turkey can be included under more than one of the rubrics mentioned above. Nevertheless, the alternative media organs in Turkey, despite a degree of permeability in the boundaries that separate them, may be seen as belonging more to one or another of the above-mentioned classifications, therefore, these categories will constitute the book’s chapters.

Furthermore, we are mainly interested in the case studies (comparative if possible) and empirical research possessing theoretical and methodological clarity, and focusing on at least one of three basic dimensions of media studies; such as “Production”, “Text”, or “Audience”, without missing the multi-layered and intertwined relationships between these dimensions.

Abstracts of a maximum of 250 words in Turkish and English outlining the topic, theoretical and methodological approach as well as the research question, should be submitted to either Barış Çoban (bcoban@dogus.edu.tr) or Bora Ataman (bataman@dogus.edu.tr) until January1st 2013.

Announcement of the abstracts selected will be made by February 1 2013.

The deadline for full paper submissions is August 1, 2013

The editors are planning to publish book in Turkish and English and have made an agreement with Yordam, to publish in January 2014.

After the evaluation of the abstracts, negotiations with foreign publishing houses will begin for the English version.
Barış Çoban & Bora Ataman (Eds.)
Extended Deadline for Research Proposals: January 1st, 2013"
Research Interests:
Creative Writing, Screenwriting, Critical Theory, Critical Theory, Critical Theory, and 418 moreedit
This chapter sets out why international relations are significant for anarchist praxis and how one might approach the subject area from an anarchist perspective.
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Sewing Freedom is the first in-depth study of anarchism in New Zealand during the turbulent years of the early 20th century—a time of wildcat strikes, industrial warfare and a radical working class counter-culture. Interweaving biography,... more
Sewing Freedom is the first in-depth study of anarchism in New Zealand during the turbulent years of the early 20th century—a time of wildcat strikes, industrial warfare and a radical working class counter-culture. Interweaving biography, cultural history and an array of archival sources, this engaging account unravels the anarchist-cum-bomber stereotype by piecing together the life of Philip Josephs—a Latvian-born Jewish tailor, anti-militarist and founder of the Wellington Freedom Group. Anarchists like Josephs not only existed in the ‘Workingman’s Paradise’ that was New Zealand, but were a lively part of its labour movement and the class struggle that swept through the country, imparting uncredited influence and ideas. Sewing Freedom places this neglected movement within the global anarchist upsurge, and unearths the colourful activities of New Zealand’s most radical advocates for social and economic change.
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""Political theory (even radical theory) has had an ambivalent relationship with Max Stirner. His The Ego and Its Own has been regarded as one of the most thoroughly radical and biting works of political theory ever penned. Stirner and... more
""Political theory (even radical theory) has had an ambivalent relationship with Max Stirner. His The Ego and Its Own has been regarded as one of the most thoroughly radical and biting works of political theory ever penned. Stirner and his works are largely unknown in contemporary philosophical circles, and when known of, they are frequently misunderstood. Stirner's dismantling of a host of ubiquitous abstractions of modern philosophy, including God, society, authority, freedom, obligation, morality, and Man, among others, have earned him few friends amidst the theoretical rubble left in the wake of his critiques. Nonetheless, Stirner's work provides a powerful and unique conception of political agency that is as relevant today as when it was initially articulated.

In the face of recent theoretical attempts to define the new “revolutionary subjects” of the 21st century, Stirner's ideas regarding agency, anti-representationalism, “Ownness,” and insurrection provide a distinct contrast and warning. Rather than ontologically privileging and granting value to a particular abstracted social group (the proletariat, the Multitude, etc.) as the newest primary “revolutionary subjects” of history (implying an ontological subordination or devaluation in others), Stirner firmly situates the value and possibility of rebellion in the hands of every “flesh and blood” person. In this sense, Stirner takes the “pluralist” approach to revolutionary subjectivities to its logical limits, and constructs a unique set of conceptual tools that enable both critique and action.""
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L’anthropologue états-unien David Graeber se pose dans ce livre qui se veut un manifeste et un essai à la fois, une question qui traversera toutes les pages : « Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas une anthropologie anarchiste ? ». Pour le militant,... more
L’anthropologue états-unien David Graeber se pose dans ce livre qui se veut un manifeste et un essai à la fois, une question qui traversera toutes les pages : « Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas une anthropologie anarchiste ? ». Pour le militant, il devrait en être autrement car l’anthropologie et l’anarchisme possèdent non seulement des atomes crochus mais gagneraient à être réunies.
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From the unique perspective of British Lifeboat Foundation futurist Harry J. Bentham, the common aim of all the pieces compiled in this work is to challenge prejudices and offer insight into the most powerful trend of current global... more
From the unique perspective of British Lifeboat Foundation futurist Harry J. Bentham, the common aim of all the pieces compiled in this work is to challenge prejudices and offer insight into the most powerful trend of current global politics. That trend is the ever-greater confusion and weakening of nation-state legitimacy across the world, and is passionately expressed in all of Bentham's work.
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"This essay situates Emma Goldman in a radical Whitman tradition -- part of a unique a leftist "reception history." By examining Goldman’s aesthetic and political work alongside her unpublished and neglected manuscript lectures on the... more
"This essay situates Emma Goldman in a radical Whitman tradition -- part of a unique a leftist "reception history."  By examining Goldman’s aesthetic and political work alongside her unpublished and neglected manuscript lectures on the poet; I demonstrate the centrality of Whitman’s verse and life to the sustenance of her “beautiful ideal” of anarchism.

Leaves of Grass was a model for her agitation. It stressed the creative capacity of the reader, providing a literary training ground for self-emancipation from hierarchy, in turn generating the individual agents who could create a new social order. As a political orator, Goldman carried forth Whitman’s “culture of democracy” by restaging it as a paradigm for modern anarchism’s own revolutionary cultural politics. She solicited Whitman for her political life’s greatest struggles, for freedom of expression, women’s emancipation, and sexual liberation, while transforming his poetic celebrations of the human body and collective expansiveness into lived resistance to “puritanical” state censorship. Culling biographical anecdotes to self-fashion her role as propagandist, Goldman reshaped Whitman and his prophetic verse in light of each new struggle. Calling on “Children of Adam” to articulate women’s rights, “Calamus” to declaim sexual liberation, and Democratic Vistas to combat the rise of totalitarianism, she thereby recharged that “beautiful ideal,” a democratic desire for freedom combined with her anarchist faith in individual creativity."
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