Subaltern Studies

Lo que esta ponencia plantea es que los efectos de la modernización, entendiendo esta como un proceso de transformación social e histórica, modifico las relaciones de poder entre los sujetos subalternos del mundo colonial hispánico en Guatemala. Ello significó que algunos grupos pudieran posicionarse en relaciones de poder, mientras que otros fueron insertados en el esquema de la dominación. Sin embargo también implicó que los nuevos subalternos aprendieron el lenguaje de los dominantes a fin de presentar un proceso de resistencia ante el Estado-Nacion de Guatemala.

A lei 11.645/2008 (BRASIL 2008) estabelece como obrigatório o ensino da cultura e história afro-brasileira e indígena nas escolas da rede publica e privada de ensino básico. Desde então, é recorrente a discussão da maneira, forma e o viés historiográfico que contextualizará a implantação desta lei. O que nos preocupa aqui e cabe ressaltar é que mesmo se distanciando das discussões que rebatem a aplicabilidade e legitimidade de tal lei, é importante frisar que ela abre espaço para debater e discutir a perspectiva intercultural na escola e, principalmente na produção historiográfica e literária de grupos historicamente destituídos de poder. O presente artigo pretende elaborar uma proposta de aplicabilidade da lei 11.645/2008 nas escolas de ensino fundamental e médio, no que diz respeito ao ensino da cultura indígena sobre o pressuposto teórico da interculturalidade, utilizando para tal, a noção de livro rizoma como mecanismo capaz de permitir uma mediação dialógica entre culturas e modos de vida diferenciados. Essa perspectiva, que busca ampliar o olhar sobre as diferenças culturais e expandir a conquista do poder para as minorias na esfera da produção intelectual e do âmbito escolar é também uma forma de nos impulsionar a refletir sobre como vivenciamos tais diferenças e como experienciamos uma alternativa que ultrapasse o lugar dos guetismos culturais, da mestiçagem e homogeneamento cultural. A literatura nativa é um fenômeno recente e propõe um empoderamento das minorias historicamente destituídas de voz e exiladas da história oficial, por meio de obras com cunho intercultural, como a analisada neste artigo.

“ L’histoire sociale classique s’intéresse aux structures fondamentales, au cœur des sociétés beaucoup plus qu’à leurs marges ”, constate Michelle Perrot dans la préface des "Ombres de l’histoire". A contre-courant, l’historienne a consacré sa thèse d’Etat aux ouvriers en grève en France de 1871 à 1890, trouvé chez Michel Foucault des points d’appui pour son travail sur l’univers carcéral et contribué, en collaboration avec Georges Duby, à la reconnaissance de l’histoire spécifique des femmes. Chez elle, à deux pas du jardin du Luxembourg à Paris, elle nous a accordé un long et passionnant entretien, qui évoque ces différents champs de recherche.

In 2013, the world is entering the sixth year of the global crisis. In those six years, sparked by the unfolding events, there has developed a burgeoning literature regarding the origins, conjunctures and regional manifestations of the crisis. In many ways, this debate evolved from long-term disputes regarding the nature of the current phase of capitalism and its periodization (monopoly-finance capitalism, post-Fordism, finance driven accumulation regime, financial-market capitalism, neoliberalism, high-tech capitalism etc.) and has brought to light the epistemological and political differences between the various approaches. However, as Magnus Ryner (2012) has pointed out, with a few notable exceptions, the debate has shed insufficient light on the political articulation of the crisis and the interrelations between the political and the economic sphere. With regard to not only the origins of the crisis but also and particularly the viability of exit strategies from it, the struggles over hegemony occurring during the crisis are essential. Hence, complementing the Marxist and Marxian crisis debate, it is the goal of this paper to shed some light on the political articulations of the global crisis and assess the interrelations between global leadership efforts seeking exit strategies from the crisis and the hegemonic struggles underlying their agencies. While in looking at the struggle between left and right projects of leadership references will be made to numerous core and non-core capitalist countries, the main focus will be on the two dominant actors in NAFTA and the EU, the United States and Germany, which have shaped the politics of exit strategies from the crisis in North America and the Eurozone.

""Recasting the Region studies the trajectories of Muslim Bengali politics and examines the literary and cultural history of Bengali Muslims from the early twentieth century until the 1952 Language Movement. It argues that Muslim political mobilization in late colonial Bengal did not emanate from north Indian calls for a separatist 'Muslim' state of Pakistan, but rather emerged out of a sustained engagement with local Bengali intellectual and literary traditions.

In six chapters, the book features meticulous research on topics like the pursuit of folklore, literary modernism, and intellectual movements in both Dhaka and Kolkata in the late colonial period. Examining language literary texts, the social histories of newspaper and magazine offices, and the writings of Bengali Muslim politicians and intellectuals, the book delves into the meaning of nationalism and decolonization for the Bengali Muslims.

Focusing on the cultural history of the largest Muslim population of the colonial era, the Bengali Muslims, this work utilizes heretofore unexplored Bengali sources as well as offers a new interpretation of the emergence of the state of Pakistan.""

What is the relationship between social protest movements in the State of Israel, violence in Gaza, and the possibility of an Israeli attack on Iran? Why did the mass social protests in the State of Israel of summer 2011 ultimately fail? Wrapped in the Flag of Israel discusses social protest movements from the 2003 Single Mothers’ March led by Mizrahi Vicky Knafo, to the “Tahrir is Here” Israeli mass protests of summer 2011. Equating bureaucratic entanglements with pain—what, arguably, can be seen as torture, Smadar Lavie explores the conundrum of loving and staying loyal to a state that repeatedly inflicts pain on its non-European Jewish women citizens through its bureaucratic system. The book presents a model of bureaucracy as divine cosmology and posits that Israeli State bureaucracy is based on a theological essence that fuses the categories of religion, gender, and race into the foundation of citizenship.