Reconciliation

"The aim of this report is to provide empirical evidence to answer the following research questions posed by the project Carers@work:
A) What conflict and stress situations between work and care are typical among the caregivers?
B) What strategies do carers use to reconcile work and care for an older individual?
C) What kind of influence does the qualification level of the carers have with regard to the reconciliation of work and care for an older individual?
D) What kind of influence do the employment and income situation of the caregivers’ households have on the reconciliation of work and care?
E) Within the context of the actual parameters of employment and family-work, what kind of gender inequalities are the results of the reconciliation problematic?
F) Which kind of support at the public, company or societal level is most efficient for the reconciliation of employment and care for older individuals?
G) Are there any specific individual conflicts or strategies related to the reconciliation of work and care for an older individual when comparing different countries?

This aim is pursued through an in-depth analysis of the data collected by the EUROFAMCARE and SHARE (second wave) projects. EUROFAMCARE was a European research project funded by the European Commission and carried out in 2004-2005 across six European countries: Germany (coordinating partner), Greece, Italy, Poland, Sweden and the UK1. From this database, data from Germany, Italy, the UK and Poland were extracted and analysed for this report. The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE)2 is a multidisciplinary and cross-national panel research on health, socio-economic status and social and family networks of individuals aged 50 or
over. The second wave of data collection was conducted in 2006-07 within fourteen European countries including Germany, Italy, and Poland, while in the UK a related but partly different survey (ELSA) was conducted."

DISCLAIMER: The text compiled in this publication, including the terminology used, is the sole responsibility of the University of the West of England (UWE), Bristol, UK as one of the beneficiaries of the EU-funded project ‘Reconciliation and Peace Economics in Cyprus’ (EuropeAid Cypriot Civil Society in Action II Programme). In no way can the contents of this publication be attributed to the European Commission. The EU does not recognise the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ but only the Republic of Cyprus, its Member State. Article 1 (3) of Council Regulation 389/2006 applies which reads: ‘The granting of such assistance shall not imply recognition of any public authority in the areas other than the Government of the Republic of Cyprus’.

The article explores Patricia Chater’s Crossing the Boundary Fence (1988) within the framework of Macherey’s (1978) concept of “significant silences”. I argue that in her representation of the decolonisation of Zimbabwe, the writer circumvents pertinent areas that are central to any discussion of the colonial history of Zimbabwe and the liberation war against colonialism. Among the areas the text is silent on is the role of white people in institutionalising racism in the colony and the contributions of ZAPU and the Ndebele during the war of liberation. These silences are informed by a reconciliation agenda which makes silence integral to its realisation.

""The ‘Shared Future’ strategic framework of 2005 prescribed a central role for effective, responsive and evolving public policy in creating foundations for sustainable peace: “Good community relations policy (...) is the search for the practical foundations of trust between all people in Northern Ireland (…) The division that perpetuates in Northern Ireland is costly both socially and economically. Adapting public policy in Northern Ireland simply to cope with community division holds out no prospect of stability or sustainability (...) We need to build upon our strong legislative and public policy frameworks to progress our goal of a more equal and inclusive society.”

As an evaluation of the Shared Future policy, this Roundtable will critically discuss the relationship between public policy and community engagement as part of peace-building in Northern Ireland. The resulting tensions between the top-down and bottom-up approaches impact across an array of policy areas where contested claims to power, legitimacy and primacy of cultural expression are played out in practice. These policy areas include, as indicative examples, urban regeneration, transitional justice, heritage and social provision, such as housing and education. Discussants will contribute from a range of disciplinary perspectives, including history, politics, psychology and media studies.

The Roundtable will be guided by, but not limited to, the following questions:

1)    What agendas are being served and what are the unstated and unintended consequences of such publicly funded peace-building?;

2)    How effective can peace-building initiatives be in impacting on their intended communities, especially when decisions about funding, design and implementation are not always made in effective consultation at community level?; and

3)    Is a goal of sustainable peace and reconciliation being furthered by various top-down efforts to deal with the complex legacy of the Troubles?""

"The lack of scholarly analysis of the reconciliation process in Australia remains notable, given that the policy commanded so much public attention and political energy during the 1990s, A frequent lament for reconciliation under the Prime Ministership of John Howard, however, evokes the lack of national political
leadership that has been offered. Andrew Leigh's article 'Leadership and Aboriginal Reconciliation' (AJSI, May 2002), is useful as it brings a concern for rigour to definitions of what leadership might actually mean, while encouraging a renewed
critical engagement with the terms of reconciliation itself. The present paper is an attempt to make that engagement within the terms of political leadership: what sort of leadership is appropriate to the policy of reconciliation?"

This thesis analyses Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s Apology for the Indian Residential School System and its media coverage as a process of re-covenanting. The author demonstrates that, by splitting the totem of the identity of Canada into a sinning chapter and an essential national character, members of the totem domain were able to sacrifice the totem of Canada, which had been polluted through violations of the beliefs in equality and human rights in the residential school system though the symbolic sacrifice of the leader and representative of the people, the Prime Minister. After sacrificing the totem of the sinning nation through the humiliation of the confession of sin and apology, the totem was regenerated to its unpolluted, ideal state. This apology process constitutes a narrative of re-covenanting in line with Abrahamic and more universal religious structures, reaffirming our commitment to the values of the apology.

This chapter considers and highlights a different approach to dealing with the white-collar and/or corporate offender that departs from the more commonly used punitive approach utilized by the American criminal justice system. Currently, terms of incarceration for individual offenders and the use of hefty fines and strict regulations against organizational defendants are commonly used draconian punishments. Therefore, this article is designed to remind readers of another viable approach to dealing with white-collar and/or corporate crime, one which utilizes a compliance or cooperative strategy of social control; that is the use of a system of restorative justice.

"Transcending Fratricide: Political Mythologies, Reconciliations, and the Uncertain Future in the Former Yugoslavia elaborates on issues that are specific to the post-war situation in the former Yugoslavia. The most general question all the contributors are trying to answer is how to transcend the cleavages left by the Yugoslav fratricide. The central emphasis is on reconciliation and post-conflict resolution. Such focus is shaped by the understanding that the success of future integrative processes will depend on the ability and willingness of both the elites and the communities to initiate and complete the reconciliation. This book explores a possibility of simultaneously accomplishing reconciliation, and maintaining political stability in societies that are divided on the issues of war guilt and responsibilities for crimes committed. While analysing the modes of striking a crucial balance between these two aims, the contributors to this volume try to identify and employ various models of seeking the truth and assessing responsibility for past mistakes.

With contributions from: Ron Adams | Ian D. Armour | Stefano Bianchini | Lenard Cohen | Wladimir Fischer | Andrew Gilbert | Dejan Guzina | Hariz Halilovich | Branka Marijan | Srdja Pavlovic | Nebojsa Petrovic | Tanja Petrovic | Isabel Ströhle | Mitja Velikonja | James Waller"

""Colombia is a war-torn society where an important number of conflict-related songs have been composed by victims and ex-combatants at the grassroots level. In order to develop a better understanding of the scope of music as a tool for reconciliation, this thesis examines some of these songs and analyzes the extent to which this music may or may not contribute to reconciliation in both, the audience and the composers. To do so, semi-structured interviews were conducted with the composers, and two focal group exercises were organized in order to analyze the impact of these songs on the listeners. A group of victims listened to an ex-combatant’s song, and a group of ex-combatants listened to a song composed by victims.

The results of the analysis indicate that these songs entail opportunities but also limitations regarding reconciliation. On one hand, they have constituted storytelling tools that contribute to the historical memory of the conflict in Colombia in a way that is accessible for all types of public. In addition, the process of composition by victims and ex-combatants and the musical activity itself embody an outlet through which composers release feelings and redefine identities. Moreover, in the audience made up of victims and ex-combatants unrelated to the composers, there were some expressions of sympathy, understanding, and trust. However, the research shows contrary effects as well. Some of the listeners expressed neither positive thoughts nor feelings towards reconciliation. In addition, the content of some songs may enlarge differences between enemies or may be manipulated with propaganda purposes. The results indicate that music may embody several opportunities but also limitations as a tool for reconciliation.
""