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In eighteenth-century Galata, Western diplomats sought to build a cosmopolitan community based on being Europeans within the Ottoman Empire. But among the lower orders national differences could ignite violent conflicts. In 1729 two... more
In eighteenth-century Galata, Western diplomats sought to build a cosmopolitan community based on being Europeans within the Ottoman Empire. But among the lower orders national differences could ignite violent conflicts. In 1729 two French chefs provoked Venetian anger: one was injured by Venetians at a wedding; the second retaliated by attacking a Venetian barber, who then killed him. These events were predicated on national identity in the most literal fashion. Venetians were attacking French nationals simply for being French, and vice-versa. National identity, perhaps surprisingly, in certain respects meant more to the lowest social orders than it did to the highest among early-eighteenth-century western Europeans stationed in the Islamic Ottoman Empire. For the servants, national origins defined who they were and how they related to one another. For the ministers, nation defined their official positions, yet they worked together to restore harmony.
Les révélations sur les combines de la diplomatie marocaine continues à être dévoilées par le Snowden Marocain, qui utilise le pseudonyme « Chris Coleman24 » sur son compte Twitter. C’est grâce à ce compte qu’ont été dévoilés les détails... more
Les révélations sur les combines de la diplomatie marocaine continues à être dévoilées par le Snowden Marocain, qui utilise le pseudonyme « Chris Coleman24 » sur son compte Twitter. C’est grâce à ce compte qu’ont été dévoilés les détails sur les stratégies et les manigances des diplomates marocains à New-York et Genève. Mais les informations distillées par le mystérieux hacker sur les actions menées au sein du Bureau de Navanethem Pillay,  l’ex-Haut-Commissaire aux Droits de l’homme, révèlent un scandale sans précèdent.
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Ermeniler ile Anglo-Sakson güçleri arasındaki ilişkilerin aksine, Fransa ile Ermeni komiteleri arasındaki ilişkiler üzerinde çok az araştırma yapılmıştır. Türk İstiklal Savaşı konusunda Fransa’nın özel bir konumu vardı; zira Ermeni... more
Ermeniler ile Anglo-Sakson güçleri arasındaki ilişkilerin aksine, Fransa ile Ermeni komiteleri arasındaki ilişkiler üzerinde çok az araştırma yapılmıştır. Türk İstiklal Savaşı konusunda Fransa’nın özel bir konumu vardı; zira Ermeni milliyetçilerinin istediği toprakları işgal eden tek ülkeydi ama onların iddialarını kabul etmeye en az meyilli olan ülkelerden biriydi. 1918’deki Fransız-Ermeni ittifakının esas sebebi Almanya’ya ve Üçlüİttifak’a karşı ortaklaşa yürütülen savaştı. Ancak 1918’in bitmesiyle beraber; Ermeni Lejyonu’nun işlediği suçlar ve (Dünya Savaşı sırasında daha önceden sergilenen bir takım disiplinsizlik vakalarının çizgisinde) Kahire’de Ramkavar Komitesi’nin ayaklanması, Paris’in Ermeni milliyetçi
örgütlerine olan güvenini sarsmaya başlamıştır. Temmuz 1920’deki Türk karşıtı Ermeni ayaklanması, Ermeni yağmacıların Adana’daki Fransız idaresi tarafından acımasızca bastırılması, (tam bu sırada) Ermeni Lejyonu’nun feshedilmesi, (yine aynı dönem olan 1920 yazında) Tiflis’teki Fransız yüksek temsilcisinin Taşnak Ermenistan Cumhuriyeti’ni hor görmesi; Fransa’yı Ermeni-odaklı bir politikadan Türk-odaklı bir politika benimsemeye sevk etmiştir. Bu değişim Ankara Anlaşması’nın (Ekim 1921) imzalanmasıyla belirgin hale gelmiştir. Ermeni milliyetçiler; Fransızların geri çekilişi sırasında bilinçli bir şekilde kendi insanlarını Kilikya’dan kitleler halinde göç etmeye kışkırtarak durumu daha beter hale getirmiş; Fransız hükümetinin Ankara’yı Atina’ya karşı desteklediği sırada 1922’de Yunanistan desteleyerek de yeni bir stratejik hata yapmıştır. Ermenilerin bu gelişmelere olan öfkesi Lozan Konferansı sırasında bir kez daha patlak vermiştir.
Religion and Diplomacy -speaking as invited specialist in the Sixth Channel TV ("Hatos Csatorna") in Budapest, Hungary in its series "Religions and Culture" [Remark: the Hungarian language does not prefer Plural although in this case it... more
Religion and Diplomacy -speaking as invited specialist in the Sixth Channel TV ("Hatos Csatorna") in Budapest, Hungary in its series "Religions and Culture" [Remark: the Hungarian language does not prefer Plural although in this case it is required in English to use Plural number as well.]
First, does religions concern the diplomacy? The answer given by me was Yes, in several aspect: by religious teaching and the activity of religious leaders, too. My talk was focused on the second. I highlighted the role played by rel. leaders in peace-making and conflict managing. It was given for example the case of the Azerbaijani Muslim leader, Allahshukur Pashazade and the interreligious meetings held by him. As for The Vatican, it was empahised the role of Cardinal Jean-Lous Tauran, who was one of the closest colleagues of the former Pope Jean Paul II, who has already canonised as a Saint. Cardianl Tauran is getting again a prominent person at the recent Pope Francis. In my opinion he was and has been a key-figure in the Vatican, except for the period of Benedict XVI. - Second, I was asked to answer the question if the religions can impact on the politicians especially for the peace-making. My answer was, if a particular politician  take into consideration the interests of his voters, and works for the interests of those whom s/he must serve, the answer is yes, the religions may take effect on the politicians and the international relations as well. However, if a politician only works for his/her personal power, or for some powers he serves but not those voters he must represent, than the  religions may effect less for those who do not take care of the global interests of peoples and humankind. As the interviewers were protestant, for this TV Channel Series was provided by a protestant board, I focused on the interreligious dialogues between the Roman Catholic leaders and Muslims, encouraging TV viewers to do researches in other fields, too. Third, the role of intercultural communication in the interfaith dialogues and the diplomatic life, too, was highlighted, as I link these fields in my researhces and this talk was a good occasion to demonstrate it.
This chapter explores small powers in multilateral settings. The empirical focus is on the UN as an important arena for Norway and Norwegian diplomats to seek recognition from others. Based on the empirical material we present a more... more
This chapter explores small powers in multilateral settings. The empirical focus is on the UN as an important arena for Norway and Norwegian diplomats to seek recognition from others. Based on the empirical material we present a more general argument about status seeking behavior by small states, what kind of forms these status games may take in multilateral setting and how Norwegian foreign policy is geared towards multilateralism. In the first part of the chapter we explore the extent of status seeking as an integral part of a diplomatic skill-set, but also various forms diplomacy may take in different settings. We proceed with an overview of Norwegian foreign policy and multilateralism followed by a description of the Norwegian way of seeking status from major powers. Finally, we present the argument on multilateralism as the Norwegian default model for status seeking and the pursuit of national interests also in non-multilateral settings.
Excerpt from Artistic Ambassadors: Literary and International Representation of the New Negro Era (University of Virginia Press, 2013)
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The 9/11 attacks were used to justify an institutional revolution meant to complete a process of integration and coordination of all the assets of US national power through a strategic communication (SC) campaign deployed on a global... more
The 9/11 attacks were used to justify an institutional revolution meant to complete a process of integration and coordination
of all the assets of US national power through a strategic communication (SC) campaign deployed on a global scale. The
“Global War on Terror” (GWOT) nurtured a narrative of crisis
associated with this unprecedented public education effort.
In order to sell its approaches, the United States government
relied on a network of “experts”: military veterans, high‐
ranking officers such as Admirals as well as professional
journalists and academics who contributed to forging a
consensus, or, as Michel Foucault would call it, a “regime of truth” that claims a certain interpretation to be right and true, while ignoring or discrediting critics and dissenting narratives.  We trace the historical precedents for the Total Diplomacy of the Twenty-First Century. 
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México es mostrado por embajadores estadounidenses que vivieron largo tempo en este país, en "40 Investigaciones en Humanidades", UDEM, Jorge Francisco Aguirre Sala, compilador, Mty, 2009.
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Kekalahan Jepang pada Perang Dunia II membuat Jepang harus membenahi diri guna membangun kembali negaranya dan mengembalikan citra negaranya di dunia Internasional. Kekalahan perang berdampak pada evolusi yang dilakukan Negara itu... more
Kekalahan Jepang pada Perang Dunia II membuat Jepang harus membenahi diri guna membangun kembali negaranya dan mengembalikan citra negaranya di dunia Internasional. Kekalahan perang berdampak pada evolusi yang dilakukan Negara itu sendiri, yakni adanya perubahan dalam diplomasi publik. Berdasarkan isi Deklarasi Postdam maka Jepang berusaha untuk memanfaatkan sektor-sektor yang potensial selain militer seperti perdagangan, politik dan budaya. Jepang pun berusaha untuk mengembalikan citranya sebagai superpower dengan cara yang berbeda dan lebih halus. Akhir tahun 1990, Jepang mulai melaksanakan strategi diplomasinya seiring dengan globalisasi yang menimbulkan tantangan-tantangan baru bagi Jepang sehingga Negara Sakura ini mengembangkan budayanya baik budaya tradisional ataupun budaya post-modern. Di usianya yang ke 55 tahun hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan Jepang, kerjasama antar kedua Negara tersebut semakin meluas. Bukan hanya dalam aspek ekonomi saja, melainkan mencangkup teknologi, pendidikan dan budaya.
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Using a collection of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the "experience" of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore... more
Using a collection of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the "experience" of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore the development of the figure of the ambassador within a field of problematization involving ethics, politics and law.
After some methodological and historical remarks, the thesis deals with the development of the status of the ambassador from two perspectives, the legal and the professional. Regarding his legal status, the medieval legal conceptualisation of the role of the ambassador as a genuine public “office”, and that of the diplomatic function as “representation”, are examined. The way in which these conceptualisations help to define the negotiating powers conferred on the ambassador, his immunities and the honours to which he is entitled is then considered. This analysis allows for an investigation of the complex links between the exercise of diplomacy and claims to sovereignty during Europe’s transition from the Middle Ages to Modernity. Regarding his professional status, the thesis reconstructs the functions of the ambassador (particularly in relation to information gathering and negotiation), the means provided for the ambassador to undertake his functions (his salary and the assignment of an escort) and the objective, intellectual or moral qualities required of him. As well as illustrating the techniques which have been required for ambassadorial success since the 15th Century, this analysis offers some hints for studying the professionalization of public officials and the emergence of the modern criteria of political analysis.
Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology, and it is this lexicon which provides A Dictionary of Diplomacy's thematic spine. However, the dictionary also includes entries on legal terms, political events,... more
Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology, and it is this lexicon which provides A Dictionary of Diplomacy's thematic spine. However, the dictionary also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written influentially about it over the last half millennium. All students of diplomacy and related subjects and especially junior members of the many diplomatic services of the world will find this book indispensable.
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A two-day conference convened by Rebekah Ahrendt, Mark Ferraguto, and Damien Mahiet.
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How does music (its concepts, practices, and institutions) shape the exercise of diplomacy, the pursuit of power, and the conduct of international relations? Drawing together sixteen international scholars with backgrounds in musicology,... more
How does music (its concepts, practices, and institutions) shape the exercise of diplomacy, the pursuit of power, and the conduct of international relations? Drawing together sixteen international scholars with backgrounds in musicology, ethnomusicology, political science, cultural history, French studies, German studies, and communication, this volume interweaves historical, theoretical, and practical perspectives. Considering such issues as what it means for political bodies to act "in concert," the question of music's "universality," the concept of free improvisation as it relates to twenty-first century political policy, the role of orchestras and traveling musicians in promoting cultural exchange, and the use of music as an agent of globalization and transnational encounter, the essays not only cross disciplinary boundaries but also geographical and musical ones.

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