International Security

تكشف التحولات التي تشهدها المنطقة العربية خال الفترة الحالية، عن أن سيطرة الدولة الكاملة على مواقف معينة
هي "وهم"، وأنه من المستحيل "استعادة" السيطرة على موقف معين بنسبة 100 %، أو استعادة الأوضاع "الطبيعية"،
التي كانت سائدة قبل انتشار الفوضى على نطاق واسع ولفترات ممتدة، سواء بسبب الاحتال الخارجي، أو بسبب انهيار
نظام الحكم نتيجة ثورة شعبية، أو نتيجة وجود أزمات ضاغطة لفترات زمنية طويلة.
لقد أصبح الوضع الطبيعي "الجديد" بالنسبة للفاعلين الدوليين هو التعايش مع حالات انعدام السيطرة، ومع الواقع
الجديد new reality الناتج عن ذلك، وقد صاحب ذلك تبلور أفكار مختلفة عما ساد طوال العقود الماضية في دوائر
صنع القرار من أفكار، والتي كانت مرتبطة بكيف يمكن "التحكم" في موقف معين من أجل تحقيق مصالح الدولة؟، وكيف
يمكن التأثير في سلوك الأطراف الفاعلة فيه، وتوجيهه على نحو يخدم تلك المصلحة؟. وبأن الدولة القوية هي الدولة
التي تتحكم في أبعاد المواقف الداخلية والخارجية، وتستطيع أن تحدد نتائجها، وتستطيع أن تفرض على الأطراف كافة
الالتزام بقواعد معينة، وأن خروج الأوضاع عن السيطرة وانتشار الانفات والفوضى، كان سبباً في انهيار الإمبراطوريات
وسقوط الدول.

منشور في:
إيمان رجب (محرر)، "Control!: كيف تدار شئون الدول وتفاعلات الأقاليم في ظل حالات انعدام السيطرة طويلة المدى؟، ملحق مفاهيم المستقبل-مجلة اتجاهات الأحداث، مركزالمستقبل للأبحاث والدراسات المتقدمة،المجلد الأول، العدد 3، أكتوبر 2014

Since 1952, the US-Japan security alliance has formed the backbone of Japan’s security policy. However, in the last few years, Japan has begun to broaden its bi- and multilateral security cooperation with countries such as Australia, India, and the EU and some of its member states. The JMSDF participation in the maritime counter-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia since 2009 can be considered a prime example for Japan’s willingness to contribute to regional security issues. This lecture explains the significance of this mission, its engagement with new institutions of experimental governance as well as the EU, NATO, the IMO, and the UN, and its successes in capacity building in the region. Finally, the lecture will try to assess how significant Japanese engagement in out-of-area missions has been on the recent debate on collective self-defense, and its ambitions to broaden its role in global security.

(ENG) The purpose of hereby monograph is to examine evolution of British security policy after the Cold War. The author focuses on the description of crucial determinants of british approach to security and defence issues, and on present “continuity and change” in specific dimensions of British security policy after 1989. The aim of the analysis is to collect and organize as many avalible information on this issue as possible, and transfer them on the ground of polish science which until now had no monograph on this matter.
The first chapter is mentioned to be an introduction to further parts of the monograph. It scrutinizes the impact of historical and traditional issues on process of shaping contemporary British security policy. There is also a role of security issues in british political reality analized. Second chapter is devoted to evolution of the concept of British security policy. It contains detailed analysis of british defence white papers and defence reviews published in post-Cold War era with special focus on Strategic Defence Review 1998 and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2010. The second chapter tries also to anticipate challenges for future defence review which is to be published after next General Elections.
Next five chapters of the monograph are devoted to the specific areas of post-Cold War British security policy. The third chapter describes transformation of British armed forces after end of the Cold War with particular emphasis on military dimension of Strategic Defence and Security Review 2010. It also tries to anticipate future shape of armed forces of the United Kingdom. Fourth part of the paper scrutinizes evolution of british approach to the expeditionary operations with special focus on implications of Tony Blairs’s “International Community Doctrine” on future of the british expeditionary policy. The fifth chapter contains analysis of the british approach to the nuclear weapons after end of the Cold War. It outlines basic parameters of british nuclear doctrine and analyzes the current debate over future of  United Kingdom’s nuclear deterrent. The sixth chapter charaterises traditional “atlanticism” of british security policy. It presents role which anglo-american “special relationship” and  North Atlantic Treaty Organization play in post-Cold war british security policy. Seventh and final chapter examines evolution of british approach to the process of european military integration in last 25 years. It emphasizes especially the role of the United Kingdom in process of developing the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union.
The most important conclusion of hereby monograph is that despite the revolutionary changes in strategic environment of the United Kingdom, which have occured since 1989, shape of british security policy has not been changed substantially. Despite the fact, that there have been some important changes in british approach to the security issues, many of british security policy dimensions are still inside the framework created before 1989. 

The conflicts of the past three decades have shown that the major problems which peace processes face are the spoilers. Spoilers are warring parties and their leaders who believe that peaceful settlement of disputes threatens their interests, power and their reputation; therefore, they use all means to undermine or completely spoil the process. Spoilers of peace processes can be inside or outside of the process and are characterized as limited, greedy or total spoilers. Their motives for spoiling can be different, such as: political, financial, ethnic, security, etc. Furthermore, it is important to emphasise that spoilers are not only rebels and insurgents, but can often be governments, diasporas, warlords, private military companies, etc.
In order to counteract the spoilers, the international community has adopted and implemented three methods: inducement, socialization and coercion. Often all three methods are used to convince the spoilers to negotiate, accept and implement peace agreements. Hence, this paper will examine the methods used to deal with peace process spoilers through an assessment of the strategies employed, impact, success and failures.
This paper will also argue that the success or failure of the peace process depends on the method(s) used to deal with spoilers. If the right method is chosen, with a persistent engagement of the international community, the peace process will be successful; on the contrary, if they fail to do so, the consequences will be devastating.
Keywords: Spoilers, Peace process, Inducement, Socialization, Coercion.

Existing research has shown that historical analogies feature prominently in society’s interpretation of present crises. Likewise, cross-cultural factors mediate these interpretations by providing various normative prescriptions and highlight (or deemphasise) aspects of the crisis.  These cultural factors however, are usually defined secularly, with barely any mention of religion’s role in the interpretation of crises.

This paper argues that religion, as a (missing) sub-set of cross-cultural factors, plays a fundamental role in society’s interpretation of crises in general (beyond those directly relating to religion). Not only do people continue to look to religion for support and sense-/mean-making in times of crisis, religious leaders hold moral authority and credibility amongst their parishioners, and are able to authoritatively provide a lens and meta-narrative to interpret crises. The paper will conclude with practical implications for diplomats.

Since September 11, 2001, a large concern has spread worldwide about Security, meaning by this term the degree of protection from any harm or danger. The need to defend citizens against potential, extremely violent terroristic attacks stimulated institutions to take all conceivable preventive measures. In parallel, the consciousness of the risk pushed national and international organizations to support research addressed to the development and application of innovative technologies more and more adequate to counteract this kind of threats. The use of early warning devices (e.g., detectors, sensors) was considered either alone or in suitably designed networks, and the development of advanced tools for intervention (e.g., robotics, remote handling) was envisaged.

ENEA, with its consolidated technology background and unique competences on handling nuclear hazard, has been involved since the early beginning in the development of innovative tools for Security. The topics considered include contrast to terrorism based on Chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear defense (CBRN) weapons, recently including Improvised Explosive Devices and “dirty bombs” (CBRNe), and the protection of critical infrastructures, with special attention to power production plants and energy distribution networks.

In the international panorama ENEA acts in close contact with the international institutions (EC, NATO, EDA), sitting in networks of excellence, to support with its expertise the upgrading of present legislation, and technologically contributes to specific projects (from capability to demonstration). Along with these technological activities, ENEA collaborates with many groups at the national and international levels, including SMEs and large industries, and with special corps of the Italian Army. In order to share a common language needed during interventions, ENEA plays a role in the gift basket for the EU CBRN Centre of Excellence (CoE) initiative and takes part in the organization of the CBRNe master promoted by The University of Rome Tor Vergata.

This special issue of EAI offers an overview of the major current ENEA activities related to Security, stressing the external cooperation that shares the final goal focused on developing technologies for a broad range of specific tasks, from the intervention to forensic aspects. After an introduction where the concept of Security is explained, mostly referring to scenarios of current European interest, contributions are presented along an ideal path that starts with CBRNe risks, focusing first on sensors for explosives and their chemical precursors, then on bio-hazard detection. The development of technology and tools is primarily considered for field use, including postblast in situ analysis for forensic application. Specific tools for interventions to protect selected critical infrastructures are presented, including harbors and energy distribution networks.

The other scenario, dealing with nuclear and radiologic risks, is then explicitly considered at the international level: peculiar examples of specifi c sensors, operational protocols and technological countermeasures are presented. Finally, the importance of education and training on the multidisciplinary fields related to Security is addressed in relation to existing European excellence centers and on-going dedicated master courses.

As in any short anthology, the available space does not allow for an exhaustive treatment of each topic. However, we are confi dent to give to the reader a taste of the most significant developments at the international level, which are currently on-going at ENEA.

The article argues that although Antonio Gramsci did not define a new field of research that we could call security studies, his views and ideas on international rela-tions presented in the Prison Notebooks focused around security issues. It may be even stated that his writings anticipated to some extent the birth of security studies after the Second World War – or even the modern theorizing on economic and cultural security.

During the Cold War or immediately after it Northern Europe did not make many headlines in security policy. However, recently there has been certain escalation of military exercises and also some alarmist commentaries. Therefore it is useful to have a look at the fundamentals of the region.

In October 2014, 80 University of Nottingham students took part in an experiment designed upon interpretive cultural theories of terrorism. In the experiment, these students were presented with two scenarios of terrorist attacks upon the United Kingdom: the first target was a non-cultural landmark (Bradford city centre) and the second an important cultural landmark (Buckingham Palace). They were then asked to select from a number of potential responses for the UK government, and which they as citizens would like to see implemented in response to these scenarios. The group was divided into two sub-groups. The second group (“the media group”) was presented with the information about the attacks in the style of a tabloid newspaper, which included deliberate effects such as narrative indicators and action cues expected in media depictions of political events. The first group acted as a control. The study produced valuable empirical findings. Firstly, there was a marked increase in the number of responses to the second scenario, and a marked shift toward more aggressive and radical forms of response. Second, the media group escalated more sharply than the control, indicating a suitability of cultural targets to media attention and effects. A key relationship between perceived ideological bias of the media account and previously-formed political beliefs was also noted: if the media source corresponded with ideological predisposition, reaction would be heightened. If opposed, reaction became more subdued. No significant difference was found between male and female participants, adding to the growing empirical evidence suggesting that men and women do not share divergent views upon international or national affairs, at least in terms of security threats (i.e. terrorist attacks).