Criminal Justice

Instead of learning this from Wikileaks after some years or decades, get it now. I am a serial production machine of master and PhD theses in various parts of the world, especially in continental Europe and the Midlands (UK), presented and defended by others. In this case, the today’s topic is about a university located in West Midlands, known as Staffordshire University. The rest, which may be of higher and more sensitive calibres than Staffordshire, may or may not, be made public as appropriate. Future leaks in this respect will depend on how much you have contact with the reality after you consider this Report. If the overwhelming majority of the issues explored hereto are not true and sensitive, I will publicly apologise and any of you reserves the right to pursue e legal case against me. This report is written in response to the myths created amongst many brainwashed Albanians in the Balkans and across the world, and that is making me extremely upset, that much of my reports, papers, and critical analyses they come across under my name, are written by someone else rather than me. Is that OK with you? If yes, then let us carry on.

A number of international cooperation organizations, such as USAID, UNPD and the World Bank, subscribed to the idea that the barriers to development were closely tied to problems in the structure of poor country institutions. They led them to include the issue of corruption in their agenda and the need for institutional reform in order to combat it. Many of these international cooperation organizations created action plans and allocated resources to projects aimed at controlling corruption. With the advent of globalization, cross-border cooperation gained importance as it became clear that large-scale criminal corruption had adapted rapidly to the globalized economy. The GECD-Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the OAS-Organization of American States were among the most important of such organizations. The DECO developed the Anti-Bribery Convention, focuses mainly on corrupt practices by foreign companies overseas. The OAS convention, approved at its 1996 Annual Meeting, covers both active and passive corruption, in both the private and public sector, within or outside national borders. These conventions were intended to induce sovereign states to redouble their efforts to prevent, detect, punish and eradicate corruption by creating and strengthening mechanisms for mutual cooperation. These mechanisms of cooperation between states consist mainly of adopting the same legal definitions of corruption and finding new ways of cooperating on issues of criminal responsibility. The objective is to put an end to the impunity that results from the gap between the global economy and the limitations of national prosecution authorities. For this reason, the convention needs to be monitored following signing and ratification and this monitoring from implementation through 10 legislation through to sanctions, is a means of ensuring that the conventions are complied with.

One of the most well-propagated myths regarding
the practices of so-called organised crime
groups in developing countries is the alleged
existence of “parallel states” within the constituted
states. This evaluation follows at least
two analytical flaws. The first one derives from
superficial or generalising statements on the territorial,
economic, social, political and cultural
influence or power of illegal gangs and groups.
These accounts do not consider how material
resources, scope, dimensions and actual capabilities
to engage with political institutions and
local economy vary. Such variations depend on
a series of elements: the type of political regime
in a particular country; the influence of powerful
countries’ foreign strategies (such as the US
‘war on drugs’) on a given developing country
government; the fact of being a major producing
region of a certain kind of illegal commodity;
or, otherwise, the fact of being ‘transit territory’
for illegal goods towards consumer countries,
among other particularities.

LOVELL, M., GUTHRIE, J., SIMPSON, P. & BUTLER, T. 2018. Navigating the Political Landscape of Australian Criminal Justice Reform: Senior Policy-makers on Alternatives to Incarceration. Current Issues in Criminal Justice, 29, 227-241.

Political ideology and populism are often thought to be major impediments to criminal justice reform. Our research has attempted to deconstruct these ideas so that the robustness of the 'punitive turn' in criminal justice policy can be better understood. This article reports upon in-depth interviews conducted with five very senior criminal justice policy-makers, each of whom was broadly sympathetic to reforming criminal justice policy to achieve the goal of lower incarceration levels. The interviews reveal that these policy-makers conceived of prison reform primarily in terms of political risk, especially when reform was related to the adoption of prison alternatives and models that focus on 'decarceration'. Furthermore, policy-makers' perceptions of political risk were intricately bound up with concerns about potential public policy and program failure. This research indicates the need to develop political will for reform, alongside the further development of the myriad evaluation and policy development processes required to enable successful reform in the criminal justice space.

Bullen, M., Canyelles, C., & Pavez, A. (2014). Violencia y derechos en las relaciones humanas. En A. Tómas, Y. Puerta, D. I Cendra, J. Muñoz, J. Girona, & M. Masdeu, Perifereias, fronteras y dialogos: Una lectura antropológica de la sociedad actual (págs. 259-269). Universital Rovira i Virgili.

Résumé Même si de nombreuses recherches ont été menées sur les facteurs sous-jacents aux condamnations injustifiées, relativement peu d’entre elles portent sur l’attitude des gens envers celles-ci. Pour mieux comprendre cette question peu étudiée, nous avons mené un sondage auprès d’étudiants de première et de troisième années dans des programmes en justice pénale ou en justice non pénale de premier cycle universitaire au Canada, afin de déterminer leur attitude envers divers aspects des condamnations injustifiées. On a notamment évalué l’attitude des étudiants envers la fréquence des condamnations injustifiées, la formule de Blackstone, la sensibilisation du personnel en justice pénale aux facteurs contribuant aux condamnations injustifiées et l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces condamnations injustifiées engendrent une perte de confiance dans le système de justice pénale. En général, les participants (en particulier ceux de troisième année en justice pénale) se sont dits sensibles aux questions soulevées par les condamnations injustifiées. On parle ensuite des répercussions de ces résultats sur le personnel en justice pénale et la documentation sur le sujet.

Research shows that Americans who hold strongly to a myth about America's Christian heritage―what we call " Christian nationalism " ―tend to draw rigid boundaries around ethnic and national group membership. Incorporating theories connecting ethnic boundaries, prejudice, and perceived threat with a tendency to justify harsher penalties, bias, or excessive force against racial minorities, we examine how Christian nationalist ideology shapes Americans' views about police treatment of black Americans. Analyses of 2017 data from a national probability sample show that adherence to Christian nationalism predicts that Americans will be more likely to believe that police treat blacks the same as whites and that police shoot blacks more often because blacks are more violent than whites. These effects are robust even when including controls for respondents' religious and political characteristics, indicating that Christian nationalism influences Americans' attitudes over and above the independent influences of political conservatism or religious parochialism. In fact, we find that religiosity influences policing attitudes in the opposite direction. Moreover, observed patterns do not differ by race, suggesting that Christian nationalism provides a cultural framework that can bolster anti-black prejudice among people of color as well as whites. We argue that Christian nationalism solidifies ethnic boundaries around national identity such that Americans are less willing to acknowledge police discrimination and more likely to victim-blame, even appealing to more overtly racist notions of blacks' purportedly violent tendencies to justify police shootings. We outline the implications of these findings for understanding the current racial-political climate leading up to and during the Trump Presidency.

This article examines the debates among communitarians, liberals, and conservatives regarding contemporary family issues and critically evaluates these perspectives. Current orientations inadequately address the impact of large-scale bureaucratic organizations on family life and do not confront problems relating to racial and ethnic discrimination. The implications of the authors' perspective are brought to the fore when discussing education and the criminal justice system. The authors conclude that students of family relations need to consider larger issues associated with democratic theory, particularly as these relate to racial and ethnic diversity and to the manner in which multinational organizations are eroding family life.

Öz: Suçlar ve cezalar ile ilgili akademik tartışmalar Türkiye'de son yıllarda farklı disiplinlerin ilgi odağı haline gelmiştir. Tüm dünyada 1900'lü yılların başından itibaren farklı disiplinler tarafından tartışmaya açılan konular, Türkiye'de son yirmi yıldır ve bazı sınırlılıklar içerisinde tartışılmaktadır. Bu alanda tüm dünyada yeni sayılabilecek tartışma alanlarından birisi de ceza sosyolojisi ile ilgilidir. Ceza sosyolojisi, cezalar ve toplum arasındaki ilişkiyi farklı bir bakış açısıyla değerlendirmeyi amaçlamakta ve cezalan-dırmayı, toplumsal ve tarihsel güçlerin şekillendirdiği karmaşık bir sosyal kurum olarak ele almaktadır. Cezayı belirleyen ve onu şekillendiren bir yapı olarak ceza adalet sistemi ise doğrudan toplumsal yapıyla ilişkili olma yönüyle ceza sosyolojisinin ilgi alanına girmektedir. Ceza adalet sistemine ceza sosyo-lojisinin sunmuş olduğu teorik pencereden bakıldığında, bu sisteme yön veren politikaların da sorgu-lanması gerektiği gerçeği ile karşılaşılmaktadır. Ceza adalet politikalarını belirleyen ve şekillendiren en etkili kurumsal yapılardan birisi de denetimli serbestlik kurumudur. Bu kapsam dâhilinde amaç, denetimli serbestlik örneğinden hareketle Türkiye'deki ceza adalet politikalarının, ceza sosyolojisi açısından sorgu-lamasını gerçekleştirmektir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda ilk olarak ceza sosyolojisi ile ilgili teorik arka plan ortaya konulmuştur. Sonrasında elde edilen teorik açıklamaların toplumsal yapıda tespiti için Türki-ye'deki ceza adalet politikaları içerisinde denetimli serbestliğin konumu sorgulanmıştır. Çalışma bu kap-samda Türkiye'de eksikliği duyulan ceza adaleti alanındaki tartışmalara katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Abstract: In recent years academic debates about crime and punishment have become the focus of attention of different disciplines in Turkey. Issues that are opened to debate by different disciplines from the beginning of the 1900's in Europe and America, in Turkey have begun in the last twenty years and within some limitations. In the entire world in this area, the sociology of punishment, can be considered a new area of debate. The sociology of punishment aims to evaluate the relationship between punishment and society from a different point of view and also to handle punishment as a complex social institution shaped by social and historical forces. The criminal justice system as a structure that determines and shapes punishment is an interest of the sociology of punishment as it is directly related to the social structure. When looking at the criminal justice system from the theoretical framework about the relationship between punishment and society that the sociology of punishment presents, one is faced with the fact that the policies that direct this system should also be questioned. One of the most effective institution that determine and shape criminal justice policies is the institution of probation. Within this area, the aim here is to inquire into criminal justice policies in terms of the sociology of punishment from the example of probation. With this aim, the theoretical background concerning the sociology of punishment is first put forward. The position of probation in the criminal justice policies in Turkey is questioned in determining the social structure after this theoretical explanation. From this context, this study aims to contribute to the missing debate in the field of criminal justice in Turkey.

This article asks whether mass incarceration is a system and whether harsh treatment in that system is motivated by explicit and implicit racial bias. To describe this system, I adopt an alternative term, " penal regime, " which has the benefit of permitting a more inclusive and systematic account of law enforcement, courts, and corrections. My analysis is based on the important fact that US penal regimes are democratic and, to be understood in context, must be tied to American punitive and racial attitudes as expressed through the discretion of elected officeholders. I find that a racial empathy gap explains some important problems with criminal justice, and I argue that protest speech about police conduct may cross the empathy gap in a manner that deserves significant theoretical attention and practical support.

A Christian martyr for the gospel of social justice, and a man of deep spirituality and great ethical stature, Óscar Romero, archbishop of San Salvador during years of brutal government and paramilitary repression, is a towering figure in the recent history of El Salvador and Latin America. Since his murder on March 24, 1980, while he was celebrating the Eucharist, his legacy and cultural influence have only grown. For decades, in life and after it, he was controversial and often manipulated, branded as both a communist and a conservative, as a provocateur of the Salvadoran civil war (1980–1992), and a leader of people’s liberation and human rights. Many political, military, and ecclesiastical authorities in and outside his country harshly criticized Romero’s attitude and behavior. Salvadoran oligarchs denounced him repeatedly, but not so the hundreds of thousands of peasants who confirmed as true what Romero wrote about his own mission: “The ministry that God […] has given me is, like the one given to Moses, to lead our people to the Promised Land.