Sacrifice

: John Dewey’s underappreciated 1888 essay, “The Ethics of Democracy,” attempts to answer the following question: How do I consider myself a member of “the people” that rule in a democracy, and yet belong to the political minority? In challenging the prevailing view of this essay, I argue that Dewey defends a fundamental indeterminacy in the idea of “the people” that implies a necessary, but productive tension between relative stability and emerging disruptions. The latter, he argues, holds out hope that the power of “the people” can be redirected, thus redeeming the sacrifices of the minority and retaining their identification with “the people.” For Dewey, the idea of “the people” means that, though democracy entails sacrifice, the legitimacy of the political system demands faith that it will be redeemed. Although this view is first captured in 1888, it receives amplification in his later writings.

The history of the twentieth century is filled with examples of mass murder and destruction of entire nations. Survivors of those traumatic events have horrific memories, which cannot be compared to anything that may happen in the course of an ordinary quiet life. However, coping strategies for overcoming the consequences of such traumatic experience were also developed in the twentieth century. It was made possible by conceptualisation of trauma as a cultural and psychological phenomenon at the level of theory and practice in various sciences. Introduction of this concept into the flesh and blood of modern (popular) culture, or rather its inclusion in the fabric of everyday cultural practices, transformed the concept of trauma into a mechanism of culture. Trauma developed into a concept, as we know it, because it functioned as one of the cultural clichés of the era, according to which economics, politics, science, literature, etc., are built. Of course, mass exterminations of people took place even before the twentieth century; however, they were not interpreted as historical traumas as we interpret them now because, firstly, a sense of distance from the event was not developed, which is characteristic of traumatic interpretation, and, secondly, the narratives corresponded to other cultural clichés (typical of those epochs), which served as the basis for political mechanics, economic processes, etc. This article identifies the main features characterising the functioning of trauma as a cultural mechanism. This objective is achieved by appealing to political economy and Baudrillard's and Derrida's critique of the victim order. In this study the term "loss" is used as an umbrella term for various traumatic constructs, such as the victim and the trauma itself. They are characterised as objects of a credit relationship between subjects (both individual and collective), according to which the victim (trauma) construct could be described as a debt obligation that must be fulfilled by paying off a symbolic debt. The study identifies all the acting forces (parties) in the trauma construct, which give form to this construct. The author draws attention to the spatial (topographical) accent of the traumatic narrative, as well as to the necessity of toponymic localisation of the active forces in space.

La description d’un rite pose des problèmes théoriques tels que l’on peut dire qu’ils sont plus importants que l’interprétation même du rite ». Cette question de l’africaniste Michel Cartry servira de point de départ à la réflexion méthodologique qui sera au cœur de l’atelier. Elle se construira à partir des questions du terrain : questions de la contingence de l’événement dont l’observateur est le témoin avant d’en être le « narrateur », de l’articulation de l’événement observé à des ensembles susceptibles de « faire système », problème des écarts - et convergences – qui peuvent exister selon les observateurs. La description pourrait être un processus indissociable de l’analyse. Des rituels, ceux du passé notamment, échappent à toute possibilité d’observation, ils ne sont accessibles que par la médiation des discours dont ils ont été l’objet ou qui les allègue. Ils posent, en fonction des sources et de l’historiographie à laquelle ils ont donné lieu, des problèmes spécifiques de restitution inséparables de l’analyse des logiques présidant à l’élaboration discursive de leurs mentions ou « descriptions ». L’atelier interrogera enfin un autre « reste » du rite, la documentation muséale et les traitements dont elle peut être l’objet.

Summary. The archaeology of animal sacrifice has attracted considerable attention, although discussions on the meanings and social effects of the practice in different contexts are rather under-developed. In the Aegean, classical antiquity has provided abundant literary, ...

Summary. The archaeology of animal sacrifice has attracted considerable attention, although discussions on the meanings and social effects of the practice in different contexts are rather under-developed. In the Aegean, classical antiquity has provided abundant literary, ...

ਨੌਵੀਂ ਪਾਤਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਸ੍ਰੀ ਗੁਰੂ ਤੇਗ਼ ਬਹਾਦੁਰ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਜੀ ਦਾ ਧਰਮ ਦੀ ਰਖਿਆ ਖਾਤਰ ਕੀਤਾ ਬਲੀਦਾਨ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ਵਿਚ ਵਾਪਰੀਆਂ ਅਦੁੱਤੀ ਘਟਨਾਵਾਂ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਸਰਬੋਚ ਹੈ। ਮੱਧਕਾਲੀਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿਚ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਪ੍ਰਸਥਿਤੀਆਂ ਕਾਰਣ ਮਾਨਵੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਧੋਗਤੀ ਹੋ ਰਹੀ ਸੀ, ਡਰ ਅਤੇ ਖ਼ੌਫ਼ ਦਾ ਮਾਹੌਲ ਸੀ, ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਧਾਰਮਿਕ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਰਹੀ ਸੀ, ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਇਕ ਜ਼ਾਲਮ ਸੱਤਾ ਦਾ ਹੀ ਬੋਲਬਾਲ ਸੀ ਜੋ ਪੂਰੇ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸਮਾਜ ਨੂੰ ਇਕੋ ਰੰਗ ਵਿਚ ਤਬਦੀਲ ਕਰ ਦੇਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੀ ਸੀ। ਆਜਿਹੇ ਚੁਣੌਤੀ ਪੂਰਨ ਦੌਰ ਵਿਚ ਗੁਰੂ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਇਕ ਅਜਿਹੀ ਅਦੁੱਤੀ ਸ਼ਕਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਮਿਸਾਲ ਬਣ ਗਏ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ, ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਬਹੁਲਵਾਦੀ ਸਮਾਜ-ਸਭਿਆਚਾਰ ਦੀ ਧਾਰਮਿਕ ਵੰਨ-ਸੁਵੰਨਤਾ ਦੀ ਰਾਖੀ ਲਈ ਇਕ ਅਹਿੰਸਕ ਕਦਮ ਚੁੱਕਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਧਰਮ ਦੀ ਰਾਖੀ ਲਈ ਆਪਣਾ ਬਲੀਦਾਨ ਦੇ ਦਿਤਾ।

This study deals with the anthropological research of a skull discovered in the Roman-Byzantine layer and a skeleton (Grave 1) dated between the second half of the 7 th century and 5 th century BC, found at the entrance of the Skulls Cave in Cheile Dobrogei area, Constanța County. Both relics belong to adult female individuals. The analysis shows that the missing segments of the skull from the Roman-Byzantine layer are the result of accidental postmortem damage and not of intentional "cut-out" of the skull base. The skeleton in Grave 1 shows high incidence of caries and dental abscesses, healed fractures of bones from both hands (probably a result of an accidental fall) and a small osteoma on the right parietal bone. Some bones show signs of animal teeth, gaps and cracks that cannot be related to assumed beheading of the individual, but to postmortem interventions. This explains the partial anatomical connection of the skeleton, lack of the long bones of the upper right limb, as well as skull placement over the pelvis separated from the jaw. Grave 1 dating to a time when such discoveries are rare is also under discussion; some funerary ritual elements (placement near a cave, crouched position, presence of ochre etc.) are not specific to Babadag or La Tène period discoveries.

L'articolo si propone di mostrare la pertinenza teologica della categoria di sacrificio per descrivere l'atto compiuto da Cristo, esplorando le soteriologie di H.U. von Balthasar e Anselmo d'Aosta. Alla luce della prospettiva kenotica del primo autore si proporrà di comprendere il sacrificio di Cristo come "kenotico" e quindi comunionale e amoroso. Alla luce della proposta anselmiana, il sacrificio di Cristo sarà descritto come "soddisfattorio" in quanto istitutivo di ogni volontà santa e quindi della relazione filiale con il Padre. Le due prospettive saranno integrate nel discorso agostiniano sul sacrificio e in generale nella prospettiva cristologico-trinitaria cattolica.

This article sets out to demonstrate the theological pertinence of the category of sacrifice to describe the action carried out by Christ, exploring the soteriologies of H. U. Von Balthasar and Anselm of Canterbury. In the light of the kenotic perspective of the first author the proposal is to understand Christ's sacrifice as "kenotic" and therefore communional and loving. In the light of Anselm's postulate, Christ's sacrifice can be described as "satisfactory" in so much as it is institutive of every holy human disposition and thus of thefili al relation with the Father. The two perspectives will then be integrated in the discourse of Augustine on sacrifice and more in genera! in the Catholic Christological-Trinitarian perspective.

Attraverso un sondaggio dell'eucologia romana e ambrosiana, di testi patristici (di Ambrogio, Girolamo e Gregorio Magno) e di qualche passaggio del latino medievale, l'articolo mostra come la traduzione italiana del messale, evitando l'uso dell'italiano placare, abbia restituito il contenuto effettivo delle occorrenze di placatio e placare latini. Placare, infatti, non è esclusivamente da ricondurre al senso della mitigazione dell'ira, in particolare di quella divina, ma al campo semantico del perdono e della riconciliazione, pur con le diverse sfumature attribuite al verbo dai vari autori.
By means of a survey of the Roman and Ambrosian euchology, patristic texts (of Ambrose, Jerome and Gregory the Great) and of some passages of medieval Latin, this article shows how the Italian translation of the Missal, avoiding the use of the Italian word placare, has recovered the true content of the occurrences of the Latin placatio and placare. In fact, Placare, is not to be traced back exclusively to the meaning of mitigation of wrath, in particular divine wrath, but to the semantic field of forgiveness and reconciliation, while at the same time maintaining the various nuances attributed to the verb by the various authors.

Are Christian sacraments merely particular rites of the Church, or do they also have an anthropological basis in human life? Is there a relationship between the most mysterious Catholic sacrament-the Eucharist-and the experience of an everyday meal? Following Joseph Ratzinger's essay "The Sacramental Foundation of Christian Existence," this article aims to show the profound relationship between the sacraments and human experience. Human life presents a sacramental structure, an encounter of spirit and matter, expressed with signs, symbols, and rites. In all cultures, the most important or recurring events of human life, such as birth, entry into adult life, having a meal, sexual relations, suffering, and death, are often expressed by specific rites that underline their sacred and mysterious nature. Christian sacraments are the fulfillment of a common anthropological ground, to the extent that through them, according to the Church's belief, God himself shares in his people's lives, notably within their most significant moments and situations. Through the partaking of bread and wine, the Eucharist expresses the most intimate form of communion between God and humankind, introduced by the Incarnation and fulfilled in Christ's passion, death, and resurrection.

This article aims to contribute to the growing body of literature on the role of smell and the senses in early Christianity by attending to the intersections of smell and sacrifice in Luke-Acts. Luke depicts people participating in the Jewish sacrificial cult at various points in his two-volume work, but there are two key occasions—first in Luke 1 and again in Acts 10—where he specifically evokes the smells of the Jewish sacrificial cult. By evoking the sense of smell, Luke heightens the connection between these two passages and enables us to perceive how Luke situates key transitions in his narrative in relation to Jewish sacrifice. At both the start of his story (Luke 1) and at the conversion of the first Gentile (Acts 10), Luke walks a fine line between continuity and discontinuity with respect to how he understands the early Christian movement in relation to Jewish sacrificial praxis. He disrupts the traditional Jewish sacrificial system in various ways, but this disruption finds consonance with other depictions of sacrifice in Jewish circles. Indeed, Luke’s stimulation of our olfactory imagination relies mainly on Jewish understandings of sacrifice during the Greco-Roman period, and it grounds key elements of the Christian story in sacrificial terms.

Arkaik insanın kurbanlık sistemine dayanan şehitlik olgusu, önce dinsel sonra da milliyetçi bağlamda, uzun bir tarihsel sürecin sonunda günümüzdeki anlamına ulaştı. Modern çağda, egemen ideolojinin anlamlandırma mücadelesine konu olan şehitlik, bir söylemsel stratejiye dayanır ve siyasi iktidarların ihtiyaçlarına göre değişim gösterir. Bu nedenle şehitlik söylemi, özellikle iç ve dış savaş geriliminin yoğun yaşandığı ülkelerde sürekli güncellenir. Kuşkusuz şehitlik, zaman içerisinde egemen devlet dışında farklı birçok muhalif hareketin başvurduğu, çatışmalardaki sivil ölümler veya maden kazası gibi ulusal kayıplarda siviller için de kullanılan bir kavram haline geldi. Ancak, şehitlik olgusunun bu
muğlak ve çok yönlü kullanımına rağmen, savaşlarla geçen modernite sonrası dönemde, hâlâ egemen devletin vatandaşlarından istediği fedakârlık boyutu merkezinde yer alır. Çünkü, milliyetçiliğin militarizmle beraber, devlet şiddetini ve savaş politikalarını sürdürmesini sağlayan, her türlü ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel eşitsizliği önemsiz kılan “dost” ve “düşman” ikiliği ancak böyle bir söylem üzerinden etkili olur. Bu nedenle, yaşadığımız çağda şehitlik olgusunun milliyetçilik ve militarizm tarafından kendini nasıl yeniden ürettiği bu çalışmanın temel sorunsalını teşkil eder. Diğer yandan, şehitliğin günümüzdeki biçimi ve sürekliliğine, ölüm korkusu karşısında ölümsüzlük arayışına, arkaik toplumdaki kutsal ve kurban mekanizmasına ve simgesel, ritüel ve mitlerden oluşan geniş bir pratikler ağına ilave olarak, kolektif hafızanın bunların kuşaklar boyu taşınmasını sağlayan rolüne bakılmadan temel soru cevaplanamazdı. Sonuç olarak, bu çalışmayla, milliyetçilik ve militarizmden başlayarak, kökenlere dair bahsedilen başlıkları da içeren genişlikte bir literatür taraması yapılarak şehitlik kavramının eleştirel analizi amaçlanmıştır.