Belarusian Studies

It is time to get real. Poland is not a victim, the EU is not in danger, Russia is not the problem. Belarus is a problem but a small one. The real big problem is the EU's long-lasting inability or unwillingness to force xenophobic governments, such as that of Poland, to agree to a reasonable and fair migration policy.

Кто такой Константин Калиновский? Любой житель Белоруссии знает это имя - но для того, чтобы понять, кем Калиновский был на самом деле, необходимо отрешиться от гипноза "общеизвестных истин" и обратиться к первоисточникам. В книге историка Александра Дюкова (Институт российской истории РАН) собраны работы, подготовленные в 2020 - 2021 гг. с привлечением документов из архивохранилищ России, Польши, Литвы и Белоруссии.

Вы узнаете о неизвестном стихотворении Калиновского, являющемся перелицовкой знаменитого «Марша Домбровского», о приказах Калиновского от имени «ронда польского», о подходах повстанческого руководства Вильно в и Варшавы к «крестьянскому вопросу», об обстоятельствах написания так называемых «Писем из-под виселицы», о ксенофобии белорусскоязычной пропаганды и о масштабах повстанческого террора 1862-1864 гг. на территории Царства Польского и северо-западного края Российской империи.

Важной составляющей книги является поименный список жертв повстанческого террора на территории нынешних Белоруссии и Литвы: в книге впервые опубликовано 452 имени убитых повстанцами гражданских лиц, подавляющее большинство из которых являются крестьянами.

The article covers the specific features of development Belarusian philosophy in the first half of the twentieth century. Eclectic is the main characteristic of the Belarusian thought during this period. Researchers
note that Belarusian geo-cultural space was the place for coexistence diametrically opposite philosophical directions. However, not the all of these philosophical ideas from this problematic field are steel investigated.
We can notice by the well-known movements of social-democratic ideas and movement of “zapadnorusizm” the great stratum of insufficiently explored phenomenon of the Belarusian religious-philosophical thought, reflection on a national problem, so the aim of this article to determine all the main directions and specific features of the Belarusian thought during the first half of the twentieth century.

Due to the conditions prevailing in Central and Eastern Europe, nation-building processes developed here with a delay and took specific forms. This also applied to the Polish-Belarusian ethnic border, which today is part of the Belarusian state, and in the interwar period belonged to the Second Polish Republic. In the case of many local communities, it was only the collapse of the tsarist empire and the rise of nation states that accelerated the ethnic processes. The testimony to these phenomena are the results of the Polish census of 1921. Compared to the Russian census of 1909, it showed an increase in the Polish population and its quantitative equalization with the Belarusian population. Many commentators were critical of these results. In their opinion, the number of the Polish population was overestimated at the expense of Belarusian and Jewish peoples. Some even emphasized that significant centers of the Polish population in this area were formed only after joining the Polish state. The results of earlier censuses: the Russian one from 1909 and the German one from 1916 do not confirm the latter thesis. Nevertheless, the census of 1921 showed an increase in the share of the Polish population in the analyzed area from 24.9% to 45.8% compared to the data from 1909. However, this phenomenon can be assessed in different ways. The nation-building processes in these areas were delayed. A large part of the population did not have an established national identity. The emergence of the Polish state could have resulted in a more or less opportunistic identification of many people with Polish nationality. It could have been the beginning of a process that led to a permanent bond between some of the local communities and the Polish nation. This state of affairs may be confirmed by the results of the elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in 1922 and 1928. Apart from voters showing strong support for groups emphasizing their national character (Polish right, national minority committees), a large group also emerged (in 1921–35, 6%) voting for nationwide popular and left-wing parties. This may be evidence of the existence of numerous communities avoiding clear declarations on nationality issues.

Slides / Слайди тут: https://www.academia.edu/59292545
В минулому році говорилося про торгівлю книгами, надрукованими кирилицею, між слов'янськими народами, які проживали в Угорському королівстві та їх родичами в Польсько-Литовській державі (Жечпосьполита). А зараз показуємо й аналізуємо листування Римокалицької епархиї м. Еґер (Північня Угорщина) в 18 ст. з  унійною (в тому часу) Почаївською Успенською Лаврою. Поки закарпатські українці-русині не були с стану покувати всі службові книги, й поки воні не були в стану підтримати навчання всіх семінарістів, то в рімокатолицьких семінарах вивчалися багато грекокатолицькі семінарісти. єпіськоп Естерхазий. Він хотів купувати службові книги від унійного мітрополіта во Львові. А лвівський митрополита передавала справу до Почаївської Лаври, від якої автор найшів листування в сучасному архіву Еґерської архиепархиї. Показуються і кошти за книг від Лвьівської «ставропігійської» друкарні, параллелно з цінами Почаївської лаври, а навіть у рейнських ренес форинтах та польських злотах також параллельно. Отже покахують джерела з архива, кільки коштували богосложбові книги українських землях в 18 ст. у «західних» теріторіях.

Xenophobia, Anti-Semitism and Anti-Romism in the Concept of Polish literature (pp 254-260). 2021. In: HRISTO KYUCHUKOV SOFIYA ZAHOVA ION DUMINICA, eds. ROMANI HISTORY AND CULTURE: Festschrift in Honour of Prof. Dr. Vesselin Popov (Ser: “Roma” Series Series Editors: Hristo Kyuchukov and Ian Hancock, Vol 9). Munich: Lincom

On September 17th, Belarus celebrated its so-called “Day of National Unity”, an official holiday created on June 7th by Lukashenka’s edict. The date echoes the events of 1939, when the Soviet army entered Poland’s territory as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Based on official interpretations and discourse, this text attempts to briefly demonstrate the flawed official logic that led Minsk to choose this date as a public holiday.

This article introduces the experience of creating Czech-Belarusian phraseological dictionary (Česko-běloruský frazeologický slovník, Kalita, 2017). The problems connected with differences of contemporary communicative potential of two Slavic languages, which need to be taken in consideration in the process of writing a dictionary, are defined. The article introduces principles of representation of phraseological units and a structure of the dictionary. There are also examples of dictionary entries and entries with commentary that hold ethnocultural semantics. Exceptionality of this dictionary is the inclusion of substandard Belarusian phrasemes and original Belarusian phraseologisms, that were considered colloquial for a long time and to this day have not been listed in Belarusian phraseological dictionaries.



Анатацыя:
Артыкул знаёміць з вопытам стварэння першага чэшска-беларускага фразеалагічнага слоўніка (Česko-běloruský frazeologický slovník, Kalita, 2017). Асвечаны праблемы, звязаныя з адрознасцю сучаснага камунікатыўнага патэнцыялу дзвюх славянскіх моў, на якія неабходна было звярнуць увагу пры ўкладанні слоўніка. Прадстаўлены прынцыпы фразеаграфічнай працы і структура выдання, прыведзены прыклады слоўнікавых артыкулаў і прыклады адзінак з кампанентамі, якія нясуць этнакультурную семантыку. Адметнасцю слоўніка з’яўляецца фіксацыя зніжаных беларускіх фразем і ўласна беларускіх гутарковых фразеалагізмаў, якія доўгі час лічыліся размоўнымі і да гэтага часу не ўвайшлі ў беларускія фразеалагічныя слоўнікі.

The protesters and Belarusian commentators adopted the role of colonised objects. The scale of the protests surprised everyone. As soon they erupted, the clichéd accounts that the protests represent the birth of the nation were repeated like a mantra. Apparently it emerged suddenly and Belarusians were formed as a nation in that moment.

The Sino-Belarusian relationship has gained widespread attention in Western analyses over the last years, especially since the strained Russo-Belarusian relations in late 2019. However, Minsk has become an ever-closer ally for the People’s Republic of China (PRC) for more than a decade. The Republic of Belarus, therefore, is a great case study for China’s expansion before and since its use of the overarching theme of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or, respectively, its non-contestation of Russia’s predominant role in Eastern Europe.
The recent surge of literature on the relations between Minsk and Beijing
provides an excellent basis for evaluating the actual influence of China in Belarus and its implications for European security. Moreover, the high
expectations of both partners are being confronted with geopolitical realities.
However, proclaimed interest and diplomatic announcements do not
necessarily translate into actual projects, as this analysis will show. Therefore, this paper outlines the development of the Chinese-Belarusian
comprehensive strategic partnership in different areas of cooperation. The following four sections examine the political, economic, military and, finally, the cultural-societal sphere. The last section synthesises the findings and draws conclusions for an assessment of Sino-Belarusian relations.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Belarus began to develop a national system of education trying to balance the prioritization of Soviet legacy, strong state control, and processes of democratization. The system of education is a powerful translator of dominant ideologies and legitimate concepts, including the concepts of gender and sexuality. The Belarusian education system is an important component of the state machinery, meaning that changes in the education system are often interconnected with certain changes in public policy, and therefore reflect the official position related to various aspects of social life. In the article, I explore the application of gender education in Belarus, as well as the configuration of discourses that inform the concept of gender education in a specific local context. I analyze discourses of state legislation on education and textbooks on gender education. I argue that gender education was co-opted by the state to serve the interests of na...

У кнізе асвятляюцца малавядомыя старонкі біяграфіі Дзмітрыя-Карыбута Альгердавіча на падставе прасапаграфічных і нумізматычных дадзеных, праз прызму жыццяпісу князя закранаюцца пытанні гісторыі Новагарадка XIV-XV стагоддзяў і прадстаўнікоў набілітэту Новагародскай зямлі Позняга Сярэднявечча, у сувязі з аналізаванай праблематыкай прадстаўлены новы погляд на шэраг эпізодаў палітычнага жыцця  князёў Кейстутавічаў і Карыятавічаў.

After the 1989 fall of communism in the Soviet bloc, five self-declared communist states remain today: China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea and Vietnam. Belarus and Venezuela can also be added to the mix as they fulfil the criteria of a communist state – even though they do not officially invoke the ideology. So, at present, the number stands at seven. The question is, now that capitalism is the engine of China’s economy, what is communism today? And if the number of communist states is poised to grow in the near future, as some predict, what does this prospect mean for democracy?

The Youth Wiki is Europe's online encyclopaedia in the area of national youth policies. The platform is a comprehensive database of national structures, policies and actions supporting young people. It covers the eight main fields of action identified in the 2010-2018 EU Youth Strategy: education and training, employment and entrepreneurship, health and well-being, participation, voluntary activities, social inclusion, youth and the world, and creativity and culture.
The Chapter discovers general context of youth participation in the state body and non-governmental organisation of Belarus as well as argue on the ways of youth participate in policy making via grassroot initiatives and institutionally.
The work opens the debate on the challenges and trends in Belarus youth policy-making (mainly by 2019).