Political Identity

L’affermazione dei regimi popolari alla metà del duecento rappresentò un’importante cesura nell’evoluzione politico-istituzionale dei comuni dell’Italia centro-settentrionale e nel processo di formazione e consolidamento dei gruppi dirigenti cittadini. Ciò nonostante, la storiografia comunalistica della seconda metà del novecento ha avuto la tendenza a sminuire l’originalità e la carica innovativa delle esperienze popolari sottolineando piuttosto la permanente centralità politica, economica ma soprattutto culturale dell’antica aristocrazia cittadina. Questo articolo prende in considerazione alcuni importanti comuni di Popolo – Firenze, Siena, Pisa, Bologna, Perugia – cercando di dimostrare come taluni elementi tradizionalmente portati a sostegno dell’interpretazione «continuista» delle vicende tardoduecentesche si prestino anche ad una lettura alternativa che metta piuttosto in luce la novità dell’esperimento politico e culturale portato avanti dai gruppi dirigenti popolari.

This entry reviews and discusses several issues regarding online friendship. After introducing two opposite perspectives: the cues-filtered-out perspective and the social information process theory, it examines empirical studies with particular focuses on online friendships development, comparisons between online friendship and its offline counterpart, and the impacts of online friendship on the offline life.

This book provides an introduction to political psychology through a focus on European politics and topics. It describes a style of doing political psychology in Europe that has developed out of dialogue with as well as critique of North American approaches. By emphasising the theoretical and methodological diversity of political psychology, the book is intended to contribute to a greater understanding of the strength and utility of the field. • Opens up and extends the study of political psychology to a variety of socio-political contexts and manifestations of political behaviour • Clearly outlines the usefulness and promises of distinctive critical approaches in social and political psychology • Explicitly considers the role of language, communication, identity and social representations in the construction of political meanings. Political Psychology will appeal to upper-level students and scholars who seek to extend their knowledge of the complex relationship between psychology, politics and society.

This paper describes the use of adaptation patterns in the task of formulating standards for adaptive educational hypermedia (AEH) systems that is currently under investigation by the EU ADAPT project. Within this project, design dimensions for high granularity patterns have been established. In this paper we focus on detailing lower granularity adaptive patterns based upon learning styles. Several patterns from existing AEH system case studies are identified and classified according to an extended learning style "onion" model. This model forms the basis of a learning style taxonomy, introduced here, whose components determine adaptation patterns for AEH. These patterns are of importance both for authoring, as well as for interfacing between adaptive hypermedia systems. From an authoring point of view, these patterns may be used to establish a fine-grain approach to instructional strategies that can be implemented in AEH systems, as a response to a particular learning style. The implementation of this adaptation pattern taxonomy is discussed, both generally and in detail.

It is often remarked that politicians’ private lives are becoming feature of political communication in many advanced industrial democracies. However, there have so far been no genuinely comparative studies examining the personalised nature of political communication. Intimate Politics provides for the first time a systematic comparative analysis of such developments in Australia, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the UK, and the US. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources it assesses the extent to which the private lives of politicians have become a feature of political communication in each democracy. The book provides a comprehensive account of the shifting boundaries between the public and private and whether any developments are universal or more advanced in some democracies than others, and seeks to explain why this might be. Intimate Politics will be of great value for students and scholars of communication and media studies and political science and is required reading for anyone who wants a fuller understanding of the transformation of mediated politics in advanced industrial democracies.

Identity is a necessary way of auto-definition in the process of building any human group. Some societies (not many) with strong political forces need to develop their identity process and to build the most powerful ethnic feelings. The building of ethnicity is not a simply task, as can be seen in the case of Mount Lykaion, in Arcadia. This is a clear example of the ideological force which characterizes the identity definitions and the ethnic building process.

Richards Reynolds (1992) has described the superhero genre as a modern mythology. He discusses how the genre often reflects the socio-political ideologies of society, and offers Alan Moore’s comic series Watchmen (1986-1987) as a key text which subverts the superhero identity. In Moore’s own words, his work on Watchmen is an application of the Solve of the alchemists’ Solve et Coagula to the superhero genre; the act of taking it apart and examining it (Graydon, 2009). Moore brings superheroes into a “completely new realm” (Kavanagh, 2000) by placing them into the real world and giving them “sexual neuroses, bad breath and anxiety disorders” (Leith, 2010). This creates grounds for rich reflection on the intersection between superheroes and real-world issues of identity and ideological power. The following will be a discussion and evaluation of the relevant literature around identity and ideology in Watchmen.

In this essay, I will attempt to demonstrate how political violence, more specifically observed in the period of the First World War, acts as an identity-shaping experience in the series created by the BBC named Blackadder Goes Forth. It is the fourth and final season of the BBC sitcom Blackadder, written by Richard Curtis and Ben Elton, which aired in 1989 on BBC1. (Wikipedia) The series focuses on the everyday lives and experiences of the soldiers in the trenches; more specifically it is centered on the protagonist Captain Blackadder, Lieutenant George, and Private Baldrick who devise cunning plans in order to avoid the final push towards the enemy lines. Through the questionable leadership of General Melchett, the series criticizes the British Army's management during the campaign, culminating in the ending of its final episode, in which the soldiers are ordered to carry out a lethal charge towards enemy lines and ultimately charge to their demise.

Louise Michel (1830-1905) est aujourd’hui devenue une figure historique importante : elle est une image de lutte et de révolte, admirée comme une icône de femme libre. Elle a donné son nom à de nombreuses rues et écoles, et elle a même été proposée pour entrer au Panthéon. Mais comment cette combattante de la Commune de Paris, propagandiste anarchiste, déportée et emprisonnée par les gouvernements de la IIIe République, a-t-elle été intégrée dans la mémoire collective nationale ? C’est cette énigme que le livre entend résoudre. De la Commune de Paris à nos jours, il dévoile ce qui a fait de Louise Michel une femme célèbre et analyse sa trajectoire dans les mémoires des XXe et XXIe siècles. Loin d’un processus linéaire, cette figure a fait l’objet d’appropriations multiples, conflictuelles et concurrentielles, qui coexistent encore aujourd’hui.

https://editions-croquant.org/sociologie-historique/719-vive-louise-michel-celebrite-et-posterite-dune-figure-anarchiste.html

First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 6th April 2010

Multiple divergent end point game
Consequently, when you have already ceased viewing the world through the eyes of an early 19th century Oromo, and you confidently become greatly assimilated into the global system, you will thoughtlessly tie yourself and your political group or association with the promises given to you by an American Congressman about Oromia’s liberation.

But, quite unhappily, another Oromo, who also believes frankly that he and his movement struggle for the benefit of their subjugated nation, will make a bond with the president of a small and marginalized country, who will be promising similar "delivery". As it happens, behind the American Congressman and the marginal president, there are people belonging in the same decision making center, who by practicing the multiple divergent end point game, ensure that unity will never take place among the Oromos.

If they are successful in their evil game, it is not due to any deficiency of the Oromo system or values, but to the earlier diffusion of the above described global system (an array of mindsets and attitudes). Certainly there are bribes, material goods, monies and other corruption techniques involved, but this matters little; if the same corruption techniques had been performed by representatives of two or more foreign powers before 150 years, the then targeted Oromo leaders would not have reacted in the way today react all the leaders of major Oromo movements.

This article explores the impact of war-related traumatic experiences on political identities and political behavior by exploring different pieces of empirical evidence from the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), the Franco dictatorship (1939–75), and its aftermath. On one hand, the author analyzes semistructured interviews of survivors of the civil
war and the dictatorship; on the other hand, she assesses data from a specialized survey implemented on a representative sample of the Spanish population. The analyses broadly suggest that, controlling for family leanings during the civil war, victimization experiences during the civil war and the subsequent dictatorship lead to the rejection
of the perpetrators’ identities along the political cleavage that was salient during the war (i.e., left–right). The survey analysis also indicates that (1) although grudges related to severe wartime violations are transmitted through generations, moderate wartime
violations do not have such a long-term political impact; (2) the political effects of victimization do not increase with proximity to the traumatic events (i.e., age); and (3) victimization experiences do not have a significant impact on identities along cleavages that were not salient during the war (i.e., center–periphery).

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

Liberal democracy is based on the idea of free and unlimited discourse on the values, aims, and decisions of a political society. This concept, epitomized in Jürgen Habermas´ catch-phrase "herrschaftsfreier Diskurs", precludes criticism as to the aspects of  power involved in the ostensibly open debate among the "informed public". My essay on "Political Semantics" provides  an analysis of the mechanisms at work in  "public discourse". In contrast to  to the popular concept  of "civil society",  political reality - aside from the evident structures  of  political and economic  power -  is characterized by "elites" providing  "the public" with an ostensibly  unquestionable set of semantics. Discourse is steered from "above". Certain key words charged with meaning and morality are conveyed into the lingua politica and into  popular language. Instead of liberal discourse, public debate is tinged with ideology for the most part derived from American liberalism. Command over semantics is exercised within a socio-poliitcal framework favoring  intellectual conformism.

The Yemen, is the birth place and hub for a number of monotheistic religious convictions . In its North West region, just 243 kilometers away from San'aa, the official capital of the Republic of Yemen , lies a spiritual center, a holy metropolis known as Saa'da  .
It is to Zaidi Islam as Qum is to Shia Islam and Mecca is to Sunni Islam. It is where the scholars dwell, to read, learn and teach their disciples to carry on the doctrine and preserve the faith throughout history.
It is here that the Houthi phenomenon first appeared.
This study focuses on the very beginnings of Houthism as a phenomenon, it's source and affiliations. It is but the first part of a series of papers that will delve into the movement as it expands over time.

Regional identity has become an important category in the ‘Europe of regions’, and one that is often taken as self-evident in the relations between a group of people and a bounded region. The movement of people, capital and information across spatial boundaries that takes place in the contemporary world challenges the supposed harmonious link between regions and people on all spatial scales. This paper analyses the meanings of region and identity, and the links between them. Regions are understood as historically contingent structures whose institutionalisation is based on their territorial, symbolic and institutional shaping. Regional identity is understood as an abstraction that can be used to analyse the links between social actors and the institutionalisation process. This paper suggests that an analytical distinction between the identity of a region and the regional identity of its inhabitants, i.e. regional consciousness, is useful for problematising these links. The conceptual arguments will be illustrated with analyses of identity discourses related to Finnish regions and of the mobility of the Finns between regions.

What are the myths of Europe? This article provides the conceptual framework through which this question may be approached. It begins by defining myth in such a way as to distinguish it from other forms of political myths. From here, the relationship between mythical and historical narratives is analyzed via a study of how the main narrative cores through which Europeans have perceived themselves have worked in different periods and contexts as both. It concludes with a more detailed analysis of some of the icons that convey the myths of Europe.

"Diversidad cultural, narrativas y representaciones sociales. Hacia un estudio de la TV abierta en Uruguay.


L. Nicolás Guigou, p. 19.


Resumen, p. 21.


1. Introducción, p. 21.
2. Los quehaceres mediáticos, p. 22.
3. Mirar la Televisión, p. 23.
4. Narrando la (in) seguridad, p. 25.
5. Comenzando el montaje: los guardaespaldas en la TV, p. 26.
6. Los niños asaltantes, p. 31.
7. El barrio Marconi, p. 32.
8. La televisión y la construcción del Otro: a modo de conclusión, p. 35.
Bibliografía, p. 37.


Resumen
Indagamos las narrativas y representaciones sociales sobre la seguridad pública y la ciudadanía presentes en la Televisión abierta uruguaya. A través de la subsunción de la diversidad cultural a la figura de un Otro-enemigo, la Televisión abierta, en tanto superficie de inscripción, resume performáticamente la fascinación tanática del límite de ese frágil “nosotros-ciudadanos” en relación a una alteridad monstruosa y radical.
Dicha alteridad radical (u Otro-enemigo), se expresa a través de un estilo de montaje específico del espacio discursivo televisivo que este artículo trata de analizar y desnaturalizar mediante la elaboración de –precisamente- un montaje etnográfico de corte benjaminiano.
Asimismo, este trabajo discute la pertinencia de un enfoque crítico sobre la televisión que atienda lecturas más allá de la supuesta pasividad o la infinita resignificación de un posible “televidente-ideal”, considerando la sofisticación de los contemporáneos dispositivos de captura del medio de comunicación abordado."

William F. Buckley afforded conservatives of all stripes a provocative rhetorical style, a gladiatorial style, as I term it. The gladiatorial style is a flashy, combative style whose ultimate aim is the creation of inflammatory drama. I claim that conservatives encountered Buckley's potent arguments about God, government, and markets and the gladiatorial style simultaneously. The theatrical appeal of Buckley's gladiatorial style inspired conservative imitators with disparate beliefs and, over several decades, became one of the principal rhetorical templates for the performance of conservatism.

Towards a Configurative Geography of the Gilets Jaunes: Weak Values and the New Social Pacts. – This article will focus on the territorial dimension of the Gilets Jaunes, taking as their geographic formation par excellence that of the roundabout. A community, political, emotional space of soli- darity. But also a political space, in its own way original and surprising. Why do the “jaunes” create topoi? Why is their geography configurative and emotional, one which cannot be simply mapped? What in the last resort, do the GJ want by occupying the limelight so persistently? Why do they do so and what are they aiming at?

"Nel Friuli patriarcale Cividale era solo una 'terra', ma la vocazione urbana - già visibile nella 'forma urbis' - era fortissima. Nel corso del Trecento il consiglio del Comune attuò una chiusura oligarchica: 'milites' e 'pedites' appaiono ormai come etichette prive di valore, ma sono un gruppo coeso, che nei confronti del patriarca Bertrando di Saint-Geniés seglie la via del conflitto, fino al tragico epilogo del 1350.
Nel saggio sono descritte le magistrature cittadine e individuato il gruppo dirigente urbano tra tra 1328-45 (riassunto in due tavole poste in appendice)."

Based on two-year ethnography of boxe popolare-a style of boxing codified by Italian leftist grassroots groups-and participant observation of a palestra popolare in an Italian city, the article purports to (a) deepen understanding of the nexus between physical cultures and politics and (b) contribute to understanding the renewal of political cultures by overcoming the disembodied perspectives on ideology. The first section of the paper tracks down the relation that ties boxing to the sociocultural matrix of the leftist grassroots groups. Boxing draws its significance from the antagonistic culture of the informal political youth organisations in which the practice is embedded and reflects the main changes that have been occurring in the collective action repertoires of the street-level political forces over the past few decades. The second section analyses the daily activities of boxe popolare. The paper thereby demonstrates how training regimes manipulate the bodies to inculcate a set of corporeal postures and sensibilities inherent to a mythology of otherness peculiar to the far-left ethos. In conclusion, the lived experience of boxe popolare addresses the importance of placing the situated practices and the socialised body at the centre of the study of political cultures in the contemporary post-ideological era.

Candano, C. (June 2011). Alternative Philippine Voices in Online Climate Change Reporting. Paper presented at Climate Change and Communication panel, the Asian Media Information and Communications Centre (AMIC) 20th Annual Conference, Hyderabad

Chair: Assoc. Professor Mohammed Zin Nordin, Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, Malaysia

The latest Bond flick No Time To Die was certainly a rollercoaster ride of exciting action scenes and great special effects, yet contained more than a quantum of longueurs. With a running time of 163 minutes it certainly tries the patience and the bladders of its audiences (who I saw popping out of the cinema throughout the film). Personally, I think 90 minutes is enough for any film, especially since the disappearance of the intermission and ice-cream selling of yore. In this case, the increased length seems to have been to incorporate backstories of some of the individuals involved. The effect of this is to attenuate Bond's appearances in the film, while adding very little to the story (hence the longueurs). By Official James Bond 007 Website One effect of this narrative style is to put more emphasis on the story of Bond and less on the usual geopolitics and action we associate with Bond films. Now this is very interesting considering that if one was to ask oneself: which country would be the most likely target and villain of the latest Bond film as a cultural representative of the world's imperialist and neocolonial powers? It would have to be: China.

ABSTRACT
This article investigates how Gabriele D’Annunzio’s The Triumph of
Death brings together Nietzsche’s ideas and Wagner’s music and
interweaves them with the motifs of literary Decadence and the
author’s own particular sexual politics. The novel is an experimental
text striving to be a Gesemtkunstswerk, an integrated work that
incorporates music, painting, poetry, regional folklore, and private
thoughts about personal and national power. I discuss the novel’s
themes of violent sexuality and the anxiety of powerlessness and
explore their implications for the fascist political aesthetics in which
D’Annunzio played a pioneering role.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (a) theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (b) one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (c) the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (d) the case study contains a bias toward verification; and (e) it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. This article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of a greater number of good case studies.

An Eriksonian perspective posits the importance of the societal context in which the individual develops. Part and parcel of that approach is a consideration of how contemporary technology might affect development. This article examines the impact of the defining technology of contemporary society—the Internet—on individual development of Millennials. Specifically, it delineates how the characteristics and affordances of the Internet may impact those elements of identity formation that may contribute to a sense of pseudospeciation. The focus is on the particular challenges of the Internet age on both identity formation and pseudospeciation at a time in which Millennials begin to undertake positions of influence in both their personal and professional lives. The challenges and possibilities inherent in the above are outlined and discussed.