The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20140414224601/http://www.academia.edu:80/Documents/in/Ethnic_minorities
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Research Interests:
Sociology, Ethnic Studies, African Studies, Anthropology, Racial and Ethnic Politics, and 64 moreedit
This study analyzes policies and public attitudes concerning the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) after the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of... more
This study analyzes policies and public attitudes concerning the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) after the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of these nationalist organizations, which relied on terrorism and were involved in Nazi genocide and ethnic cleansing of Poles during World War Two, became one of central political issues in this post-Soviet state. The question is which factors determine attitudes towards the OUN and the UPA in contemporary Ukraine. The hypothesis is that regional factors are the main determinants of the public opinion concerning these organizations. This paper uses analysis of historical studies and archival data to examine policies and controversies concerning the OUN and the UPA. It employs comparative and regression analyses of the 2009 Kyiv International Institute of Sociology survey to determine effects of regional factors, compared to other factors, such as ethnicity, language, and age, on attitudes towards the Stepan Bandera faction of the OUN and the UPA. The paper shows that that regional factors and perceptions of the involvement of the Bandera faction of the OUN and the UPA in mass murder are strongest predictors of views concerning these nationalist organizations.
"This paper regards the results of a complex ethnographic research on ten major Italian news organizations. Ethnographic observation was carried out simultaneously and systematically in mainstream media as newspapers, television news,... more
"This paper regards the results of a complex ethnographic research on ten major Italian news organizations. Ethnographic observation was carried out simultaneously and systematically in mainstream media as newspapers, television news, news agencies and radio, to allow a comparisons among different organizational behaviors and foster relevant results.
Comparative analysis on observation diaries as well as the additional interviews to journalist professionals showed that the editorial management had a reasonable level of awareness of risks in biasing the news on immigration as the possible consequences of such biases in the reproduction of social stereotypes about immigrants.
At the same time, the direct observation of newsmaking processes highlighted how desk  journalism work and the crystallization of news routines could encourage and reinforce a stereotyped view on immigration. Research documented uniform criteria adopted by different newsrooms in news coverage of immigration news, especially in the immigrants landings on southern Italy coast.
The main result of this research is its ability to show the way in which newsroom control mechanisms and the adoption of interorganizational competition logic are the main causes of the phenomena of convergence information that characterize Italian  journalism."
This article examines differing political orientations of Crimean Tatars and the Gagauz, two main Turkic minorities in Ukraine and Moldova. Crimean Tatars in Ukraine expressed anti-Communist and anti-Russian political preferences, while... more
This article examines differing political orientations of Crimean Tatars and the Gagauz, two main Turkic minorities in Ukraine and Moldova. Crimean Tatars in Ukraine expressed anti-Communist and anti-Russian political preferences, while the Gagauz in Moldova showed strong support for pro-Communist and pro-Russian parties and politicians. This study analyses the role of cultural factors in political attitudes and behavior of Crimean Tatars and the Gagauz and uses data from surveys, elections and referendums. The analysis shows that distinct historical experiences of Crimean Tatars and the Gagauz in the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and Romania led to the emergence of distinct political cultures of these ethnic groups and affected their political behavior and attitudes in post-communist Ukraine and Moldova.
This paper analyzes the involvement of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in Nazi genocide during World War II in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of these... more
This paper analyzes the involvement of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in Nazi genocide during World War II in Ukraine. The issue of the political rehabilitation of these organizations became one of the central political issues in this post-Soviet state. The research question is whether leaders and members of the Bandera faction of the OUN (OUN-B) and the UPA were involved in the Nazi-led genocide. This article devotes particular attention to Volhynia where the UPA was established by the OUN-B in 1943. The study analyzes the biographies of 329 OUN-B and UPA leaders and documents concerning the OUN-B and the UPA, local police, and Nazi mass executions of Jews, Ukrainians, and Poles from the State Archive of the Volyn Region, the State Archive of the Rivne Region, the Archive of the State Security Service of Ukraine in the Volyn Region, the Archive of the State Security Service of Ukraine, the National Archives in the US, and other archives. This paper shows that large proportions of leaders and members of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army served in various police and militia formations, collaborated with security and intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and took part in the Nazi genocide, primarily in assisting roles during mass executions of Jews in the first two years of the Nazi occupation of Ukraine.
In my work I wanted to analyze the changes that involved, in the last 15 years, the Dutch migration policies. I focused particularly on the social and legislative developments after the political participation of Pim Fortuyn. The goal of... more
In my work I wanted to analyze the changes that involved, in the last 15 years, the Dutch migration policies. I focused particularly on the social and legislative developments after the political participation of Pim Fortuyn. The goal of this thesis is to understand whether the migration policies, recently implemented by the government, are actually the result of these political figures or the result of an old widespread feeling shared by the population. This feeling might bring to the creation of exceptive legislative tools, which aim is the selection of the only newcomers with similar cultural background, which can be easily integrated within Dutch society.
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