United Nations

"This volume gathers contributions at the intersection of history and politics. The essays, covering such topics as diverse as Italian identity in the Tientsin concession, international refugee policies in the interwar period and after, and the myths and realities of the Ukranian-Russian encounter in independent Ukraine, show that history provides better grounding as well as a more suitable paradigm for the study of politics than economics or other hard sciences. All of the contributors have a common link – doctoral work supervised and shaped by Professor Andre Liebich – but have since expanded widely in the world. Hence, the authors of this work at once share a common base and yet benefit from
diverse viewpoints."

This paper introduces a set of methods that have been used to capture attitudes and opinions in a conflict environment. Based on an ongoing project in Darfur, it details the two main streams of research: one developed to carry out interviews on the ground to allow people to frame key issues using their own language and world views; and the other, to keep contact with the formation of opinions from a distance, particularly when the security situation or other obstacles prevent the researchers from being in the field. The result of the combination of the two streams is the production of rich narratives about the actors involved in or affected by the conflict, their interests and the paths they value as the most effective to overcome the crisis and move toward reconciliation. The objective of this, and similar research, is the development of a grassroots diplomacy, a way to include a wider variety of voices in the negotiation process and in the building of a consensual idea of a post-conflict society.

Somalia is often described as ‘lawless’ or ‘the world’s most failed state’, a charac- terization that overlooks the way law and governance actually works in the absence of a capable central government. This article will explore the role of xeer law, or customary law, in regulating media, including both older media, such as poetry, and newer media, such as mobile phones, in Somalia’s complex legal environment. While Somalia remains one of the most dangerous regions of the world for journalists, dozens of radio stations are broadcasting in South-Central Somalia and there is a competitive newspaper industry in Somaliland. In addition, the telecoms industry is booming with some of the best connections and lowest rates on the continent for the internet and mobile phones. Various authorities govern media and resolve conflicts across the Somali territories. To understand media ‘law’ in this region we must look beyond the formal state structures.

"Many scholars have analyzed the voting behaviour of the European Union’s member states in the United Nations General Assembly. Most studies revealed that that the EU voted more cohesively over time and that the CFSP was, in this regard, a success. In our paper, we analyze once more the voting behaviour of the EU in the UNGA but apply a comparative perspective. Hereby, we are able to shed light on some blind spots in the existing research. First, current research can tell us very little about how unique the voting cohesion of the EU is and whether the EU’s level of voting cohesion is comparatively high or low. Second, we address the lack of methodological coherence in the existing literature on voting cohesion in the UNGA. In our perspective, the major problem is the wide range of indices that is used to measure voting cohesion. To address this issue, we refine the Index of Voting Cohesion by Lijphart and make a suggestion for a more standardized research framework. Finally, we apply the NOMINATE scaling method to the UNGA and are thus not only able to show how cohesive the EU is but also how the EU positions itself ideologically within the UNGA. We display that although one could expect that the EU has one of the highest levels of voting cohesion, the opposite is the case. I.e., the voting cohesion of other regional organizations like ASEAN, AU, AL, CARICOM and Mercosur is significantly higher. However, the EU’s major strength is not that it votes cohesively in every single vote, but that it holds its level of voting cohesion even when there is overall major disagreement within the UNGA. Finally, our analysis with NOMINATE shows that the EU is located ideologically between the U.S. and a larger bloc of mostly developing countries.
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Children's plight during genocidal episodes shocks the conscience.  It includes becoming victims of mass killings planned by adults, succumbing to the deliberate imposition of conditions upon them that lead to mass death from hunger or disease, and fleeting their homes as refugees and internally displaced persons.  Less commonly, children participate in genocide or crimes against humanity as conscripts or even volunteers in military or paramilitary forces.  This chapter begins with definitions of children and child soldiers, and turns to legal developments surrounding the definitions employed to prohibit the recruitment or use of child soldiers, and the practical impact of these definitions.  The next section of the chapter surveys cases of genocide that involved children or child soldiers in important roles . The chapter concludes with a survey of international law and diplomatic practice relating to child soldiers in contexts of genocide or politicide.    The main focus will be on child soldiers in the 20th and 21st centuries.  The large-scale wars and genocides of the these centuries have influenced international law and practice relating to child soldiers and the theft of children. 

Native Nations are asserting land and resource rights in an increasingly vigorous and unambiguous way. Just this week, 19 November 2013, Lake Huron Regional Chief Isadore Day, Windawtegowinini, announced, "We have determined that 60 per cent of mining resources in Ontario are located on [Anishinabek Nation] traditional lands."

Die militärische Offensive Kimia II gegen Rebellengruppen in den beiden kongolesischen Provinzen Nord- und Süd-Kivu ist der Gegenstand des Konfliktes. Da diese Offensive von der UN-Mission in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (MONUC) und der kongolesischen Regierungsarmee FARDC gemeinsam geplant und durchgeführt wurde, wandte sich das protestierende NGO-Bündnis Congo Advocacy Coalition (CAC) an diese beiden Akteure. Die Koalition beschuldigte sowohl die kongolesische Regierung als auch MONUC, die Zivilbevölkerung nicht ausreichend zu schützen. Der MONUC wurde außerdem vorgeworfen, das UN-Mandat unzureichend auszufüllen. Grobe Fehler während »Kimia II« hätten katastrophale humanitäre Folgen für die Zivilbevölkerung nach sich gezogen. Die CAC forderte die MONUC auf, kongolesische Zivilist_innen ihrem Mandat gemäß effektiv vor Gewalt zu schützen und militärische Optionen im Kampf gegen Rebellengruppen dieser Maxime unterzuordnen.

"""Oppositionelle Gruppen in Haiti betrachten die UN-Mission MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unis pour la stabilisation en Haiti) als Okkupation und fordern ihren Abzug. Die Protestakteure warfen den UN-Soldat_innen unter anderem vor, die Bevölkerung nicht zu beschützen, sondern sie, durch sexualisierte Gewalt und die Verursachung einer Cholera-Epidemie, sogar zu gefährden. Für die Opposition ging es im Konflikt damit grundsätzlich zunächst um die nationalstaatliche Souveränität, die sie durch die »Besatzung« gefährdet sahen. Spezifisch kritisierten sie jedoch auch deren nachteilige Auswirkungen auf die Bevölkerung.
Die Opposition stellte zwei zentrale Forderungen an die Vereinten Nationen: Den Abzug der UN-Truppen und die Übernahme der Verantwortung für den Ausbruch der Cholera 2010. Der haitianische Staat spielte in dieser Konfrontation zwischen zivilgesellschaftlichen Gruppen und einer internationalen Organisation nur eine untergeordnete Rolle.
Während des gesamten Konfliktverlaufs erfolgten von Seiten des Protestadressaten, den UN beziehungsweise MINUSTAH, kaum Reaktionen auf die Aktivitäten der Opposition. Als internationaler Akteur war MINUSTAH gegenüber der lokalen Opposition in mehrerlei Hinsicht privilegiert und ihrem Zugriff damit weitgehend entzogen. Sie verfügte über die Unterstützung der Regierungen der UN-Mitgliedsstaaten, über weitaus stärkere Machtmittel und war dadurch für ihre Legitimierung nicht auf die Unterstützung der lokalen Bevölkerung angewiesen. Im Versuch, dieser Asymmetrie zu begegnen, agierte die lokale Opposition im Verlauf des Konflikts teils ebenfalls auf der internationalen Ebene."""