History of Political Parties

В монографии рассматривается периодическая печать в контексте политических технологий русского либерализма в условиях революции 1917 года, анализируется роль прессы в формировании идейной платформы либеральных партий, предлагается трактовка семантики понятия «либерализм», уточняется численность и социальный состав либеральных партий и организаций в 1917 г., а также эволюция радикально-либеральных и консервативно-либеральных течений в условиях революции. Исследуются такие малоизученные темы, как положение русской либеральной прессы при Временном правительстве, правовое поле функционирования периодической печати, состав и тираж либеральных изданий. В Приложениях впервые дан подробный количественный состав либеральных организаций и либеральной периодики в 1917 г.

The aim of this article is to examine the role of Luigi Longo, as general secretary of the Italian communist party, in the theorization and fulfilment of a “new internationalism”. This new foreign policy was intended to place the party at the centre of an original network with different forces of the world’s left wing. The purpose of this policy was to legitimate the different roads to socialism and to improve the Pci’s image as an independent party from Moscow, confirming itself as a credible force entitled to access to the government area. This article, therefore, will provide an overview of interconnection between national and international in the Longo’s policy, and will highlight the link between gradual erosion of the relationship with the Ussr and “new internationalism”.

Obiettivo di questo articolo è approfondire il ruolo di Luigi Longo, in qualità di segretario del Partito comunista italiano, nella teorizzazione e costruzione di un “nuovo internazionalismo”. La nuova politica estera del partito doveva porre il Pci al centro di un’inedita rete di rapporti internazionali con forze diverse del panorama progressista mondiale. Lo scopo di questo indirizzo era legittimare le diverse vie al socialismo, realizzare il policentrismo idealizzato da Togliatti, rilanciare l’immagine del Pci come partito autonomo da Mosca, accreditandosi in Italia come credibile forza di governo. Si intende dunque offrire una visione di interconnessione tra piano nazionale e internazionale nella politica promossa da Longo ed evidenziare il nesso tra graduale erosione del “legame forte” con l’Urss e “nuovo internazionalismo”.

Contrary to the situation in Europe, the research of political parties’ internal structure in Latin America has been rather limited. Moreover, comparative study of party membership is virtually nonexistent (Levitsky 2001; Wills-Otero 2009; for some exceptions, see Alcántara Sáez and Freidenberg 2003; Webb and White 2007; Alenda 2011; Ponce 2013; and Combes 2011; Muñoz Armenta and Pulido Gómez 2010 for case studies on Mexico). The goal of this paper is to contribute to fill the gap that evidences this area of study of party politics from the perspective of party membership. To achieve this goal, I examine the statutes of the principal political parties in Latin America and analyse the role given to the party members in approximately 60 political parties in the region. I organize this information according to three dimensions: entry requirements, members’ rights and members’ duties (in formal terms). First, I explore the conditions that the persons interested to become party members have to accomplish, focusing on whether there is any special condition. Second, I look at the role party members have with respect to the internal democracy, i.e., candidate selection and programme formulation, and if there is any condition of membership seniority. Third, I analyse the extent to what party are obliged to pay membership dues. I argue that these aspect are rather homogenous among the Latin American countries and cannot explain the differences in party membership levels. I posit some possible hypothesis and claim that these difference are due to a specific combination of historical, institutional and party-centred variables. This paper constitutes the first part of a larger project which will be complemented with an expert survey on party strategies regarding the role and influence of party members (second part) and with a field work consisting interviewing both party elites to contrast the official membership data and of interviews to grassroots party members (in particular about its motivations and its ideological positions) from various political parties-case studies selected based on the first and second part of the project.

Regional integration is usually thought of as the domain of contiguous states making up
the region. Closer analysis reveals, however, that non-state actors i.e. political parties,
interest groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are also players in their own
right in this sphere where states set the rules. To be sure, most research endeavours on
regional integration concentrate on its economic aspects and the action of states in
strengthening it. What is frequently overlooked is the role of non-state actors and the
way in which they promote regional integration.
This paper will depart from the state-centric analysis of regional integration. It will
examine the transnational lobby campaign of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC)—Zimbabwe’s main opposition political party—and interest groups and NGOs to
influence the Zimbabwean government to abide by the SADC Principles and Guidelines
Governing Democratic Elections (the Mauritian Protocol). This paper will therefore
investigate how non-state actors are promoting regionalisation within SADC through the
endorsement of the Protocol. The main problem to be addressed is to what extent have
non-state entities created a new normative cross-border region within SADC? In
addition, what were the strategies and tactics used by these actors and what is the
significance of these actions on regionalisation in SADC?
The paper consists of five parts. In the first, the relationship between regionalisation and
norms is outlined, followed, in the second part, by a discussion of the origin and nature of
the Mauritian Protocol. In the third part, the lobbying campaign of the non-state entities
is examined. The penultimate part is an analysis that looks at the implications of their
actions on regionalisation in SADC, while the last section forms a conclusion.

Analiza systemu partyjnego i partii politycznych Republiki Mołdawii w latach 1989–2009 pozwala zrozumieć istotę funkcjonowania systemu politycznego tego państwa. Z uwagi na specyfikę badanego obszaru zagadnienie zostało potraktowane wielowymiarowo. Aktualna kondycja mołdawskiej demokracji jest pochodną wydarzeń z lat 1989–2009. Należy zwrócić również uwagę na zakres omawianej transformacji politycznej, tak charakterystycznej dla państw byłego bloku wschodniego. Republika Mołdawii w tym zakresie nie stanowi wyjątku, co przekłada się na jakość i stabilność systemu władzy.

Depuis quelques années, le PTB – le PVDA en Flandre – défraie la chronique politique et médiatique.  Le Parti du travail est parvenu à s’imposer comme un interlocuteur,  désormais régulier, de la presse audiovisuelle et écrite, et a  décroché des résultats d’estime aux élections fédérales de 2010  et aux scrutins communal et provincial de 2012. Paradoxalement  pourtant, le PTB – parti marxiste-léniniste et maoïste né dans les  années 1960 – est tout sauf un nouveau parti.
C’est à la suite d’une grave crise interne, après les élections de mai  2003, que le PTB décide d’adopter une toute nouvelle stratégie  de communication. Il s’agit désormais d’occulter les éléments qui  « fâchent » – son identité marxiste-léniniste, sa proximité avec  certains régimes, son projet révolutionnaire, sa piètre considération envers la démocratie représentative – et de ne présenter aux citoyens et aux médias que la « face lumineuse » du parti. 
Fruit d’un long travail de recherche enrichi par les interviews de nouveaux et d’anciens militants, cet ouvrage présente l’histoire du PTB et de son réseau d’organisations, le contexte qui a présidé à sa naissance, et propose une analyse spécifique de ce parti dans la période contemporaine.